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/7 

THE 

OF 

J u jy I u s. 




« STAT JSOMINJS UMBRA?' 



NEW-YORK : 

PUBLISHED BY EVERT DUYCKINCK, 

No. 68 Water-struU 
1821. 






// n/^ 



0^ 



Van Pelt ^- Spear, Printers, 95 Pearl-Street 



CONTENTS. 



DKDICATIOIN to the English nation, - - vw 
Preface, ------------- xl 

halter 

1. Junius to the Printer of the Public Adver- 

tiser, -----------. I 

2. Sir VV. Draper's Answer to the former Let- 

ter of Junius, addressed to the Piinter, 11 

3. Junius to Sir William Draper, - - - - 16 

4. Sir Williaiti Draper to Junius, - - - - 22 
3. To Sir William Draper, ^ 28 

6. To Junius, from Sir William Draper, - 30 

7. To Sir William Draper, ------ 31 

8. To his Grace the Duke of Grafton, - - 34 

9. To his Grace the Duke of Grafton, - - 33 

10. To Mr. Edward Weston, ------ 43 

11. To bis Gracre the Duke of Grafton, - - 44 

12. To his Grace the Duke of Grafton, - - 49 

13. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, --- <58 

14. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, ---------- eft 

15. To his Grace the Duke of Grafton, - - (31 

16. To the Printer of the Public Advertiser, _ 73 

17. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, ,------.- 7(j 

18. To Sir William Blaclcstone, Solicitor Gene- 

ral to her Majesty, ----- -_ 7i 

19. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, - - - - 85 

20. Junius to the Printer of the Public Adver- 

tiser ------ -- - ---93 

21. To the'Printer of the Public Advertiser, 102 

22. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, ---.. ift? 

23. Junius to the Duke of Bedford, - - - - 107 
•24. Sir William Draper to Junius, - - - - 118 

25. Junius to Sir William Draper, - - - - 120 

26. Sir William Draper to Junius, - - - - 123 



I V CONTENTS. 

27. Junins to the Printer of the Public Adver- 

tiser, - - - 128 

28. To the Printer oflhe Public Advertiser, VS3 

29. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, -------,- 134 

30. Junins to the Printer of the Public Adver- 

tiser, 139 

31. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, -- --- 145 

32. Junius to the Printer of the Public Adver- 

tiser, --------.--. 140 

33. To his Grace the Duke of (irafton, - - - 151 

34. To his Grace the Duke of Grafton, - - ]5u 

35. To the Printer of the Public Adveili<er, 157 

36. To the Duke of Grafton, ----- - 175 

37. To the Printer of the Public Advertiser, 185 

38. To the Printer of the Public Advertiser, IGO 

39. To the Printer of the ['oblic Advertiser, 198 

40. To Lord North, - - - - 210 

41. To the Right Hon. Lord Msnsfield, - 213 

42. To the Printer of the Public Advevtiser,_ 220 

43. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, -_ - - 235 

44. Junius to the Printer of the Public Adver- 

tiser, - - - - - 238 

A5. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, ---------- 250 

40. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, -.--.---- 251 

47. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, ----- - , - - 254 

48. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser, - - 256 

49. Junius to the Duke of Grafton, - - - 259 

50. To His Greice the Duke of Grafton, - - 264 

51. From the Rev. Mr, Home to Junius, - 269 

52. Junius to the Rev. Mr. Home, - - - 271 

53. From the Kev. Mr. Home to Junius, - 274 

54. Junius to the Printer of the Public Adver- 

tiser, 288 

55. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertiser. 298 

.56, The Rev. Mr. Home to Junius, - - - 300 

57. Junius to his Grace the Huke of Grafton, 302 

58. Addressed to the Livery of London, - - 308 

59. To the Printer of the Public Advertiser, 311 



CONTENTS. V 

60. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Public 

Advertise:'!-, - - - - '- 321 

61. Pliilo Junius to Zeno, ------- 323 

62. Philo Junius to an Advocate in the cause 

of tlie People, " r " ^^ 

63. Observations by a friend of Junius in an- 

Siver to a Biirrister at Law, - - - - 330 
61. Declaration in behalf of Junius, - ^ - 333 
63. Junius lo Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, - 336 
66- Junius engages to make good his charge 

against Lord MansSeld, ----- 337 

67. Junius to the Di'ke of Grafton, - - - - 337 

68. To Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, - - - 341 
(i). To ihe Uiiilit Hi>n. Lord Cumdcu, - - 366 



DEDICATION 

TO THE 

ENGLISH NATION. 



I DEDICATE to you a collection of letters, writ- 
ten by one of yourseives, for the common b 'nctit 
of us all —They would never have grown Lr. :hi3 
size, without your continued encouragemoatH (id ap- 
plause. To me they originally owe notaing hut a 
healthy sanguine constitution. Under your care 
they have thriven. To you they are indebted for 
whatever strength or beauty th'.y [lossess. When 
kings and ministers are forgotten, when the force 
and direction of personal satin.* is no longer under- 
stood, and when measures iire oniy felt in their re^ 
motest consequences, this book will, I believe, be 
found to contain principles worthy to be transmit- 
ted to posterity. When you leave the unimpaired 
hereditary freehold to your children, you do but 
half your duty. Both liberty and propei ty nre pre- 
carious, unless the possessors have sense and spirit 
enough to defend them. This is not the language 
of vanity. Jf I am a vain man, my gratification 
lies within a narrow circle, i am the sole deposi- 
tory of my own secret, and it shall perish with mc. 

If an honest, and I may truly affirm, a laborious 
zeal for the public service, has given me any weight 
in your esteem, let me exhort and conjure you, 
never to suffer an invasion of your political consti- 
tution, however minute t!if instance may appear, to 
pa?s by, without a determhied, persevering resis- 
tance. One precedent cr«*ates another. They soon ac- 
cumulate, and constitute law. What yesterday was 
fact, to day is doctrine. Examples are supposed to 



viii DEDICATION. 

justify the most dangerous measures ; and, where 
they do not suit exactly, the defect i:^ supplied by 
analogy. Be assured, tiiat the laws which protect 
us in our civil rights, grow out of the constitution, 
and they must fall or flourish with it. This is not 
the cause of faction, or of party, or of any individ- 
ual, but the common interest of every man in Bri- 
tain. Although the king should continue to sup- 
port his present system of government, the period 
is not very distant, at which you will have tlie 
means of redress in your own power. It may be 
nearer, perhaps, than any of us expect ; and 1 would 
warn you to be prepared for it. The king may 
possibly be advised to dissolve the present parlia- 
ment a year or two before it expire? of course, and 
precipitate a new election, in hopes of taking the 
nation by surprise. If such a measure be in agita- 
tion, this very caution may defeat or prevent it. 

I cannot doubt that you will unanimously assert 
the freedom of election, and vindicate your exclu- 
sive right to choose your representatives. But other 
questions have been started, on which your de- 
termination should be equally clear and unanimous. 
Let it be impressed upon your minds, let it be in- 
stilled into your children, that the liberty of the 
press is the palladium of all the civil, political and 
religious rights of an Englishman t and that tiie 
right of juries to return a general verdict, in all ca- 
ses whatsoever, is an essential part of our constitu- 
tion, not to be controlled or limited by the judges, 
nor, in any shape, questionable by the legislature. 
The power oi' king, lords, and commons, is not an 
arbitrary power.* — They are the trustees, not the 

*This positive denial of an arbitrary power being 
vested in the legislature, is not, in fact a new doc- 
trine. — When the Earl of Lindsey, in the year 1675 
brought a bill into the House of Lords, To prevent 
the dangers which might arise from persons disaffeC' 
ted to government, by which an oath and penalty 
was to be imposed upon the members of both hou- 
se?, it W.1S affirmed in a protest, .signed by twenty;,, 
three lay peers, (my lords the bishops were not ac- 
customed to protest,) *'That the privilege of sitting 
'*and voting in parliament, was an honour they had 
"''by birth, and a right so inherent in them, and inseii- 



DEDICATION. ix 

owners ofthe estate. The fee simple i? in ws. They 
c:^u)iiot iilienate, they cannot waste. When we say- 
that the h^gislatnre is supreme, we mean, that it is 
the hifi^hest power known to the constitution ; that 
it is the hia;hest in compiirison with tiie other siibor- 
diiiale powers estahlished by the Inws. In this sense, 
the word suprctne is relative, not absolute. — The 
power of the legislature is limited, not only by the 
general rules of natural justice, and the welfare of 
the conniiunity, but by ihe forms and principles of 
our particular constitution. If this doctrine be not 
true, we must „dinit, that king, lords, and commons, 
have no rule to direct their resolutions, but merely 
their own will and pleasiu-e. They might unite the 
Icifislative and executive power in the same hands, 
and dissolve the constitution by an act of parlia- 
ment But 1 am persu vJed you will not leave it to 
the choiceof seven hundred persons, notoriously cor- 
rupted by the crown, whether seven millions of 
their equals shall be freemen or slaves.^ The cer- 
tainty of forfeiting their own rights, when they sa- 
crifice those of the nation, is no check to a brutal, 
degenerate mind. Without insisting upon the ex- 
travagant concession made to Harry the Eighth, 
there are instances, in the history of other countries, 
of a formal, deliberate surrender of the public li- 
berty into the hands ofthe sovereign, if England 
does not share the same fate, it is because we have 
better resources than in the virtue of either house 
of parliament. 

I said, that the liberty of the press is the palla- 
dium of all yom- rights, and that the right of the 
juries to return a general verdict is part of your 
constitution. To preserve the whole system, you 
must correct j'our legislature. With regard to any 
influence of the constituent over the conduct of the 

"arable from them, that nothing could take it away, 
"but what by the law ofthe land must withal take 
"away their lives, and corrupt their blood." These 
noi)!e peers (whose names are a reproach to their 
i posterity) have, in this instance, solemnly denied the 
power of parliament to alter the constitution. Un- 
der a particular proposition, they have asserted a 
general truth, in which every man in England iij con- 
cerned. 



X DEDICATION. 

representative, there is little difference between a ^ 
seat ia parliament for seven years, and a seat for 
life. The prospect of yonr resenlnient is too re^ 
mote ; and although the last session of a septennial 
parliament be usaaily employed in courting tlie fa- 
vour of the people, consider that, at this rate, your 
representatives have six years for offence, and but 
one for atonement. _ A deatii-bed repentance sel- 
dom reaches to restitution. If you reflect, that, in 
the changes of administration, which have marked 
aad disgraced the present reign, although your 
warmest patriots have, in their turn, been invested 
with the lawful and unlawful authority of the 
crov/n ; and though other reliefs or improvements 
.feive been held forth to the people, yet, that no 
©ae man in office has ever promoted or encouraged . 
a bill for shortening the duration of parliaments j 
teut that (whoever was minister) the opposition to 
fihis measure, ever since the septennial act passed, 
lias been constant and uniform on the part of go- 
vernment. You cannot but conclude, without the 
possibility of a doubt, that long parliaments are the 
foundation of the undue influence of the crown. 
This influence answers every purpose of arbitrary 
power to the crown, with an expense and oppression 
fo the people, v/hich would be unnecessary in an 
arbitrary government. The best of our ministers 
iod it the easiest and most compendious mode of 
conducting the king's affairs ; and all ministers have 
a general interest in adhering to a system, which.,,, 
©f itself, is sufficient to support them in oflice, with- 
out any assistance from personal virtue, popularity^ 
labour, abilities, or experience. It promises every 
gratification to avarice and ambition, and secures 
impunity. These are truths unquestionable. If 
they make no impression, it is because they are too 
vulgar and notoiious. But the inattention or in- 
difference of the nation has continued too long. 
You are roused at last to a sense of your danger. 
Th e remedy will soon be in your power. If Junius 
lives, you shall often be reminded of it. If, when 
the opportunity presents itself, you neglect to do 
your duty to yourselves, and to posterity, to God,'** 
and to your country, I shall have one consolation 
left, in common with the meanest and basest of 
aaaakiiid. -Civil liberty may still last the life of 

JUISIUS. 



PREFACE. 



THE encouragement given to a multitude of spu- 
rious mangled pimlicationsof the LeMers of Junius^ 
persuades 'me, that a complete edition, corrected 
and improved by the author, will be Tivourably re- 
ceived. The printer will readily acquit me of any 
view to my own profit. I undertake this trouble- 
some task merely to serve a man who has deserved 
well of me, and of the public; and who, on my 
account, has been exposed to an expensive, tyran- 
nical prosecution. For these reasons, I give to Mr. 
Henry Sampson Wood/all, and to him alone, my 
right," interest, and property, in these letters, as 
fully and completely, to all intents and purposes, 
as an author can possibly convey his property iu 
his own works to another. 

■ This edition contains all thf letters of Junius 
Philo Junius, aud of Sir William Draper and Mr. 
Home to Junius, with their respective dates, and 
according to the order in which they appeared in 
the Public Advertiser. The auxiliary part of Philo 
Junius, was indispensably necessary to defend or 
explain particular passages in Junius, in answer to 
plausible o'yections; but the subordinate charac- 
ter is never guilty of the indecorum of praising his 
principal. The fraud was innocent, and I always 
intended to explain it. The notes will be found not 
only useful, but necessary. References to facts not 
generally known, or allusions to the current report 
or opinion of the day, are, in a little time uninteli- 
gible. Vet the reader will not find himself over- 
loaded with explanations. 1 was not born to be 
a commentator, even upon my own works. 

It remains to say a few words upon the liberty 
of the press. The daring spirit by which these let- 
ters are supposed to be distinguished, seems to re- 
quire that something serious should be said iu theif 



xii PREFACE. 

defence. I am no lawyer by profession, nor do I 
pretend to be more deeply read than eveiy English 
gentleman should be in the laws of his country. If, 
thererore, the principles I maintain are truly coii- 
stilntionai, I shall not think myself answered, 
though '> should be convicted of a mistake in terms, 
or or misapplying the language of the law. I speak 
to thvv plain nnderstnnding of the people, and ap- 
peal to their honest liberal construction of me. 

Good men, to whom alone 1 address myself, ap- 
pear to me to consult their piety as little as their 
judgment and experience, when they admit the 
great and essential advantages ^accruing to society 
from the freedom of the press, yet indulge them- 
selves in peevish or passionate exclamations against 
the abuses of it. Betraying an unreasonable ex- 
pectation of beneCts pure and entire from any hu- 
man institution, they, in effect, arraign the good- 
ness of Providence, and confess that they are dis- 
satisfied with the common lot of humanity In the 
present instance, they really create to their own 
minds, or greatly exaggerate the evil they com- 
plain of. The laws of England provide as effectu- 
ally as any human laws can do for the protection 
of the subject, in his reputation, as well as in his 
person and property. If the characters of private 
men are insulted or injured, a double remedy is 
open to them by adionand indictment. If, through 
indolence, false shame, or indifference, they will 
not appeal to the laws of their country, they fail in 
their duty to society, and are unjust to themselves. 
If, from an unwarrantable distrust of the integrity 
of juries, they would wish to obtain justice by any 
mode of proceeding more summary than a trial by 
their peers, 1 donot scruple to affirm, that they are, 
in effect, greater enemies to themselves than to the 
libeller they prosecute 

With regard to strictures upon the characters 
of men in office, and the measures of government, 
the case is a little different. A considerable lati- 
tude must be allowed in the discussion of public 
affair.^, or the liberty of the press will be of no 
benefit to society. As the indulgence of private 
malice and personal slander should be checked 
and resisted by every legal means, so a constaqt 
examination into the characters aud conduct of mi- 



PREFACE. xiii 

^ ni'ters and magistrates should be equally promoted 
and encouraged. They who conceive that our 
newspapers are no restraint upon bad men. or im- 
pediment to the execution of bad measures, know 
nothing of this country. In that state of abandoned 
servility and prostitution, to which the undue -in- 
fluence of the crown has reduced the other branches 
of the legislatine, our ministers and magistrates, 
have, in reality, little punishment to fear, and few 
difficulties to contend with, beyond the censure of 
the press, and the spirit of resistance which it ex- 
cites among the people. While this censorial 
power is maintained, to speak in the words of a 
most ingenious foreigner, botli minster and mag- 
istrate are compelled hi almost every instance, 
to choose between his duty and his reputation. A 
dilemma of this kind perpetually belore him, will 
not, indeed, work a miracle on his heart, but it will 
assuredly operate, in some degree, upon his con- 
duct. At all events these are not times to admit of 
any relaxation in the little discipline we have left- 
Bnt it is alleged, that the licentiousness of the 
press is carried beyond all bounds of decency and 
tTuth ; that our excellent ministers are continually 
exposed to the public hatred or derision ; that in 
prosecutions for libels on government, jinies are 
partial to the popular side ; and that in the most 
flagrant cases, a verdict cannot be obtained for the 
liing. If the premises were admitted, 1 should 
deny the coDclusion. It is not true that the tem- 
per of the times has in general an undue influence 
over the conduct of juries. On the contrary, 
many signal instances may be produced of verdicts 
returned for the king, when the inclinations of the 
people led strongly to an undistinguished opposition 
to government. Witness the cases of Mr. Wilkes 
and Mr. Almon. In the late prosecution of the 
printers of my address to a great personage, the 
juries were never fairly dealt with. Lord Chief 
Justice Mansfield, conscious that the paper in ques- 
tion contained no treasonable or libellous matter, 
and that the severest parts of it, however painful to 
the king, or offensive to his servants, were strictly 
true, would fain have restricted the jury to the 
finding of special facts, which, as to guilty or not 
guilty, were merely indifferent. This particular 



siv PREFACE. 

motive, combined with his general purpose to con- 
tract the power of juries, wilJ account for the charge ^ 
he delivered in WoodfalPs trial. He told the jury, 
in so many words, that they had nothing to deter- 
raine, except the facts o^ printing and publishing^ 
and whether or no the blanks or inuendoes^ were 
properly filled up in the information ; but that, 
whether the defendant had committed a crime or 
not, was no matter of consideration to twelve men, 
who yet upon their baths, were to pronounce their 
peer guilty or not guilty. When we hear such non- 
sense delivered from the bench, and find it support- 
ed by a laboured train of sophistry, which a plain 
understanding is unable to follow, and which an un- 
learned jury, however it may shock their reason, 
cannot be supposed qualified to refute, can it be 
wondered ihat they should return a verdict, per- 
plexed, absurd, or imperfect? Lord Mansfield has 
not yet explained to the world, why he accepted 
of a verdict which the court afterwards set aside 
as illegal ; and which, as it took no notice of the 
inuendoes, did not even correspond with his own 
charge. If he had known his duty, he should have 
sent the jury back. 1 speak advisedly, and am well 
assured that no lawyer of character in Westminr 
ster Hall will contradict me. To show the false- 
hood of Ijord Mansfield's doctrine, it is not neces- 
sary to enter into the merits of the paper which 
produced the trial. If every line of it were trea- 
son his charge to the jury would still be false, ab- 
surd, illegal and unconstitutional. If I stated the 
merits of my letter to the king, I should imitate 
Lord Mansfield, and^ travel out of the record. When 

* The following quotation from a speech deliver- 
ed by Lord Chatham, on the Uth of December, 
1770, is taken with exactness. The reader will find 
it curious in itself, and very fit to be inserted here: 
" My Lords, the verdict given in WoodfalPs trial 
*' was, ' guilty of printing and publishing only ;* 
*' upon^ which two motions were made in court, 
" one, in arrest of judgment, by the defendant's 
" counsel, grounded upon the ambiguity of the ver- 
*' diet; the other, by the counsel for the crown, for 
" a rule upon the defendant, to show cause why 
" the verdict should not be entered up according 



PREFACE. XV 

law and reason speak plainly, we do not want au- 
thm-ity to direct onr understandings. Yet, for the 
honour of the profession, I am content to oppose 
one lawyer to another, especially when it happens 
thattlie'King's Attorney -General has virtually dis- 
claimed the doctrine by which the Chief Justice 
meant to ensure success to the prosecution. The 
opinion of the plaintiff's counsel (however it may 
be otherwise insignificant) is weighty in the scale 
of the defendant. My Lord Chief Justice de Grey, 
Avho filed the information ex officio, is directly with 
me. If he had concurred in Lord Mansfield's doc- 
trine, the trial must have been a very short one. 
The facts were either admitted by Woodfall's coun- 
sel, or easily proved to the satisfaction of the jury. 

" to the legal import of the words. On botii mo- 
" tions a rule was granted; and soon after the mat- 
*' ter was argued before the court of King's Bench. 
*' Tlie noble judge, when lie delivered the opinion 
" of the court upon the verdict, went regularly 
" through the whole of the proceedings at Nisi 
" Prius, as well the evidence that had been given, 
'^ as his own charge to the jury. This proceeding 
" would have been very proper, had a motion been 
*' made on ehher side for a new trial ; because either 
" a verdict given contrary to evidence or an improp- 
" er charge by the judge at Nisi Prius, is held to be 
*' a sufficient ground for granting a new trial. But 
" when a motion is made in arrest of judgment, or 
*' for establishing the verdict, by entering it up ac- 
*' cording to the legal import of the words, it must be 
" on the ground of something appearing on the face 
*' ojfthe record; and the court, in considering wheth- 
" er the verdict shall be established or not, are so 
*' confined to the record, that they cannot take ao- 
"ticeofany thing that does not appear on the 
" face of it ; in the legal phrase, they cannot travel 
" out of the record. The noble judge did travel out 
*' of the record; and I afSrm, tliat his discourse was 
*' irregular, extrajudicial, and unprecedented His 
*' apparent motive for doing what he knew to be 
*' wrong, was that he might have an opportunity 
" of tellifig the public ea:<raJTtdicia%, that the other 
" three judges concurred in the doctrine laid dowa 
" Id his charge." 



xvi PREFACE. 

But Mr, de Grey, far from thinking he should acquit i 
himself of his duty, by barely proving the facts, en- 
tered largely, and 1 confess not -svithout ability, in- 
to the demerits of the paper which he called a se- 
ditious libel. He dwelt but lightly upon those 
points, which (according to Lord Mansfield) were 
the only matter of consideration to the jury. The 
criminal intent, tlie libellous matter, the pernicious 
tendency of the paper itself, were the topics oq 
which he principally insisted, and of which, for 
more than an hour, he tortured his faculties to 
convince the jury. If he agreed in opinion with 
Lord Mansfield, his discourse was impertinent, ri- 
diculous, and unreasonable. But, understanding 
the law as I do, what he said was at least consist- 
ent, and to the purpose. 

If any honest man should still be inclined to leave 
the construction of libels to the court, I would in- 
treat him to consider what a dreadful complication 
of hardships he imposes upon his fellow subjects. 
In the first place, the prosecution commences by 
information of an officer of the crown, not by the 
regular constitutional mode of indictment before a 
grand jury. As the fact is usually admitted, or, in 
general, can easily be prove^d, the office of the petty 
jury is nugatory. The court then judges of the na- 
ture and extent of the offence, and determines, ad 
arbitrlum, the quantum of the punishment, from a 
small fine to a heavy one, to repeated whipping, to 
pillory, and unlimited imprisonment. Cutting off 
ears and noses might still be inflicted by a resolute 
judge; but i will be candid enough to suppose, that 
penalities, so apparently shocking to humanity, 
would not be hazarded in these times. In all other 
criminal prosecutions, the jury decides upon the 
fact and the crime in one word, and the court pro- 
nounces a certain sentence, which is the sentence 
of the law, not of the judge. If Lord Mansfield's 
doctrine be received, the jury must either find a ver- 
dict of acquital, contrary to evidence, which, 1 
can conceive, might be done by very conscientious 
men, rather than trust a fellow creature to Lord 
Mansfield's mercy, or they must leave to the court 
two offices, never but in this instance united, of 
finding guilt/, and awarding punishment. 



PREFACE. xvii 

\ '* But/' says this honest Lord Chief Justice, " if 
"; " the paper be not criiuinal, the defendant (tliough 
*' found guilty by his peeiis) is in no danger, tor he 
*' may move the " court in aiiest of judgment." 
True my good Lord ; but wiio is to deteruiiue upon 
the motion p Is not the court still to decide wheth- 
er judgment shall be entered up or not ■' And is not 
the defendant this way as effectually deprived of 
judgment by his peers, as if he were tried in a court 
of civil law, or in the chambers of the inquisition ;' 
It is you, my Lord, who then try the crime, not 
the jury. As to the probable effect of the motion 
in arrest of judgment, 1 shall only observe, that no 
reasonable man would be so eager to possess him- 
self of the invidious power of inflicting punishment, 
if he were not predetermined to make use of it. 

Again, we are told that judge and jury have 
a distinct office ; that the jury is to find the fact, 
and t<ie judge to deliver the law. Dejurc respon- 
dent judices, defucto jurati. Tiie dictum is true, 
though not in the sense given to it by Lord Mans- 
field. Tlie jury are undoubtedly to determine the 
fact ; that is, whether the defendant did, or did not, 
conunit the crime charged a^ains^ him. The judge 
pronotmces the sentence annexed by law to that 
fact so found ; and if, in the course of the trial, any 
questiorj of law arises, both the counsel and the 
jury must, of necessity, appeal to the judge, and 
leave it to his decision- An exception, or plea in bar, 
may be allowed by the court; but, when issiie is 
joined, and the jury have received iheir charge, it 
is not possible, in the nature of things, for them to 
separate the law from the fact, unless they think 
proper to return a special verdict 

it has also been alledged, that, although a com- 
mon jury are sufficient to determine a plain matter 
of fact, they are not qualified to comprehend tiie 
meaning, or to judge of the tendency, of a seditious 
libel. In answer to this objection (which, if well 
founded, would prove nothing as to the strict right 
of returning a general verdict) I might safely deny 
the truth of the assertion. Englishmen, of that 
• rank from which juries are usually taken, are not 
so illeterate as (to serve a particular purpose) they 
are now represented. Or, admitting the fact, let a 
special jury be summoned in all cases of dilFiculty 



xviil PREFACE. 

and importance, and the objection is removed. But m 
ihe truth is, that, if a paper, supposed to be a libel up-* 
on government, be so obscurely worded, that twelve ^ 
common men cannot possibly see the seditious mean- 
ing and tendency of it, it is in effect no libel. _ It 
cannot iuiliirae the minds of the people, nor alien- 
ate their affections from government; for they no 
more understand what it means than if it were pub- 
lished in a language unknown to them 

Upon the whole matter, it appears, to my under- 
standing, clear, beyond a doubt, that if, in any fu- 
ture prosecution for a seditious libel, the jury should 
bring in a verdict of acquital, not warranted by the 
evidence, it will be owing to the false and absurd 
doctrines laid down by Lord Mansfield. Disgust- 
ed at the odious artifices made use of by the Judge 
to mislead and perplex them, guarded against has 
sophistry, and convinced of the falsehood of his as- 
sertions, they may, perhaps, determine to thwart 
his detestable purpose, and defeat him at any rate. 
To him at least, they will do substantial justice. 
Whereas, if the whole charge laid in the informa- 
tion be fairly and honestly sumitted to the jury, 
there is no reason whatsoever to presume that 
twelve men, upon their oaths, will not decide im- 
partially between the king and the defendant. The 
numerous instances, in our state trials, of verdicts 
recovered for the king, sufficiently refute the false 
and scandalousimputations thrown out by the abet- 
tors of Lord Mansfield, upon the integrity of juries. 
But even admitting the supposition, that, in times 
of universal discontent, arising from the notorious 
mal-ad ministration of public affairs, a seditious writ- ' 
er should escape punishment, it makes nothing a- 
gainst my general argument. If juries are fallible, 
to what other tribunal shall we appeal ? If juries 
cannot safely be trusted, shall we unite the offices 
of judge and jury, so wisely divided by the consti- 
tution, and trust implicitiy to Lord Mansfield p Are 
the judges of the-court of King's Bench more likely 
to be unbiassed and impartial than twelve yeomen, 
burgesses, or gentlemen, taken iudifferently from 
the country at large? Or, in short, shall there hc^ 
no decision, until we have instituted a tribunal from'^ 
which no possible abuse or inconvenience whatsc^ 



PREFACE. xix 

k ever can arise! IT I am not grossly mit^taken, these 

'questions carry a decisive answer along with them. 

' Having cleared the freedom of the press from a 
restraint equally unnecessary and illegal, 1 return 
to the use which has been made of it in the present 
publication. 

National reflections, I confess, are not justified in 
theory, nor upon any general principles. To know 
how well they are dnserved, and how justly they 
have been applied, we must have the evidence of 
facts before us. We must be conversant with tiie 
Scots in private life, and observe their principles of 
acting to us, and to each other ; the characteristic 
jirudence, the selfish uationalitj'^, the indefatigable 
smile, the persevering assiduity, the everlasting 
profession of a discreet and moderate resentment. 
If the instance were not too iniportant for an ex- 
periment, it might not be amiss to confide a little 
in their integrity. \Vitiiout any abstract reasoning 
upon causes and effects, we shall soon be convinced 
by experience, that the Scots, transplanted from 
tbeir own country, are always a distinct and sepa- 
rate body from the people who receive them. In 
other settlements, they only love themselves : In 
England, they cordially love themselves, and as 
cordially hate their neighbours. For the remain- 
der of their good qualities I must appealtothe rea- 
der's observation, unless he will accept of my Lord 
Harrington'' s authority, in a letter to the late Lord 
Melcomhe, published by MY. Lee ; he expresses him- 
self with a truth and accuracy not very common iu 
his Lordsliip's lucubrations. " And Cockburn, like 
" most of his countrymen-, is as alyect to those above 
" him, as he is insolent to those below him." I 
am far from meaning to impeach the articles of the 
union. If the true spirit oi" those articles were reli- 
giously adhered to, we should not see such a multi- 
tude of Scotch commoners in the lower house, as 
representatives of English boroughs, while not a 
single Scotch borough is ever represented by an 
Englishman. W'e should not see English peerages 
given to Scotch ladies, or to the elder sons of Scotch 

, peers, and the number of sixteen doubled and tre- 
bled by a scandalous evasion of the act of union. 
If it should ever be thought advisable to dissolve 
ap act, the violation or observance of which is inva- 



XX PREFACE. 

rlably directed by the advantage and interest of J 
the Scots, 1 shall say very sincerely with Sir Ed- f 
ward Coke*, "When poor England stood alone, 
'' and had not the access of another kingdom, and 
" yet had more and as potent enemies as it now 
*' hatli, yet the King of England prevailed." 

Some opinion may now be expected from me, 
upon a point of equal delicacy to the writer, and 
hazard to the printer. When the character of the 
chief magistrate is in question, more must be un- 
derstood than may be safely expressed. If it be 
really a part of our constitution, and not a mere 
dictum of the law, that the ki7ig can do no nrong, it 
is not the only instance, in the wisest of human in- 
stitutions, where theory is at variance with prac- 
tice. That the sovereign of this country is not 
amenalile to any form of trial known to the laws, is 
unquestionable But exemption from punishment 
is a singular privilege annexed to the royal char- 
acter, and no way excludes the possibility of de- 
serving it. How long, and to what extent, a King 
of England may be protected by the forms, when 
he violates the spirit of the constitution, deserves 
to b? considered. A mistake in this matter proved 
fatal to Charles and his son. For my ov;n part, 
far from thinking that the king can do no wrong, 
far from suffering myself to be deterred or imposed 
upon by the language of forms, in opposition to the 
substantial evidence of truth, if it were my misfor- 
tune to live under the inauspicious reig^n of a prince, 
whose whole life was en7ployed in one base, con- 
temptible struggle with the free spirit of his people, 
or in the delectable endeavour to corrupt their mor- 
al principles, f v/ould not scruple to declare to him, 
" Sir, you alone are the author of the greatest 
■" wrong to your subjects an^^ to yourself. Instead of 
*' reigning in the hearts of your people, instead of 
*' commanditii^ their lives and fortunes through the 
" medium of tneir afTections, has not the sticngth 
*' of the crown, whether influence or prerogative, 
*' been uniformly exerted, for eleven yeais together 
" to support a narrow, pitiful system ot govern- 
*• ment, which defeats itself, and answers no one *• 
*' purposerof .real power, profit, or personal satis- 

*Farliamentary History vol. vii. p. 400, 



PREFACE. •<!£! 

*' faction to you? With the ^rpate-?!; nnipproprint/- 
" cd revenue of any prince in Europe, have we not 

\ " seen you reduced to ?uch vile and sordid distresse?, 
" as would have conducted any other man ton prjs- 
" on i' VV ith a great mditary, and tlie greatest na- 
*' val power in the known world, have not foreizn 
" nations repeatedly iusu if ed you with impunity-' 
" Js it not notorious, that the vast revenues, ex- 
'* torted from the labour and industry of your sub- 
"ject?, and given you to do honour to yourself 
*' f^nd to the nation, are dissipated in corritpting 
•' their representatives p Are you a prince of the 
" house of Hanover, and do you exclude all the 
*' leading Whig families from your councils p Do 
*' you profess to govern according to law, and is it 
*' consistent whh that profession, to impart your 
" conlidence and affection to those men only who, 
*' thougli now, perhaps, detached from the despe- 
*' rate cause of the Pretender, are marl(ed in this 
'* country by an hereditary attachment to high and 
*' arbitrary principles of government p Are you so 
*' infatuated as to take the sense of your people 
" from the representation of ministers, or from the 
*' shouts of a mob, notoriously iiired to surround 
" your coach, or stationed at a theatre p And if 
*' you are in reality, that public man, that king, 
" that magistrate, which these questions suppose 
•' you to be, is it any answer to your people, to 
♦' say. That among your domestics, you are good- 
•' humoured, that to one lady, you are faithful, 
" that to your children you are indulgent p Sir, 
" the man who adresses yoti in these terms, is your 
" best friend. He would willingly hazard his life in 
" defence of your title to the crown ; and, if power 
" be your object, will still show you how possible 
" it is for a King of England, by tiie noblest means, 
*' to be the most absolute prince in Europe. You 
" have no enemies, sir, but those who persuade yoii 
" to aim at power wiihout right, and who think it 
" flattery to tell you, that the character of king 
" dissolves the natural relation between guilt and 
*' punishment." 

I cannot conceive that there is a heart so callou', 
or an understanding so depraved, as to attend to a 

* discourse of this nature, and not to feel the force of 
it. But where is the man, among those who have 



xxii PREFACE. 

access to the closet, resolute and honest enough to 
deliver it? The liberty of the press is our only re- i 
source. It will command an audience, when every ^ 
honest man in the kingdom is excluded. This glo- " 
rious privilege may be a security to the king as 
well as a resource to his people. Had there beeu 
no star-chamber, there would have been no rebel- 
lion against Charles the First. The constant cen- 
sure and admonition of the press would have cor- 
rected his conduct, prevented a civil war, and saved 
him from an ignominious death. I am no friend to 
the doctrine of precedents, exclusive of right ; 
though lawyers often tell us, that, whatever has 
been once done, may lawfully be done again. I 
shall conclude this preface with a quotation, appli- 
cable to the subject, from a foreign writer,'* whose 
essay on the English constitution I beg leave to re- 
commend to the public, as a performance deep, 
solid, and ingenious. 

" In short, whoever considers what it is that con- 
" stitutes the moving principle of what we call great 
" affairs, and the invincible sensibility of man to the 
*' opinion of his fellow creatures, will not hesitate 
" to affirm, that if it were possible for the liberty of 
*' the press to exist in a despotic government and 
" (what is not less difficult) for it to exist Avithout 
" changing the constitution, this liberty of the press 
" would alone form a counterpoise to the power of 
" the prince. If, for example, in an empire of the 
*' east, a sanctuary could be found which, rendered 
*' respectable by the ancient religion of the people, 
*' might ensure safety to those who should bring 
" thither their observations of any kind ; and that, 
" from thence, printed papers should issue, which, 
' under a certain seal, might be equally respected j 
*' and which, in their daily appearance should ex- 
" amine and freely discuss the conduct of the cadis, 
" the bashaws, the vizir, the divan, and the sultan 
^' himself; that would introduce immediately some 
' degree of liberty." 

* Monsieur de Lolmeo 



# 



i 



w # 



LETTERS OF JUNIUS. 



LETTER I. 

Addressed to the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

Sir, January 21, 1769. 

The submission of a free people to (he ex- 
rcutiv^e authority of frovernraent, is no more 
than a compliance with laws which they thera- 
snlveshave enacted. While the national honour 
is lirmly maintained abroad, and W'hile justice 
is imparliallv Rdininiilered at home, the obe- 
dience of the subject will be voluntary, cheer- 
ful, and, I niigiit almost say, unlimited. A ge- 
nerous nation is gralc-ul even for the preserva- 
• tion of its riglits, and willingly extends the 
respect due lu the oilice of a good prince into 
an airection for his person. Loyalt}'', in tlic 
heart and understanding of an Englishman, is 
a rational attachment to the guardian of the 
laws. Prejudices and passion have sometimes 
carried it to a criminal length, and, whatever 
foreigners (nay imagijie, we know that En- 
glisiunen have erred as much in a mistaken 
zeal for particular persons nnd families, as they 
ever did in defence of what they thought most 
dear and interesting to themselves. 

It naturally fills us w ith resentment to see 

sucli a temper insulted and abused. In reading 

^hc history of a free people, whose rights have 

gf^j^een invaded, W'e are interested in their cause. 

Oju" own feelings tell us how long they ought 

t© have submitted, and at what momeat 

H 



2 jtriNil^s. 

would have been treachery to themselves noij, 
to have resisted. How much warmer will be 
our resentment, if experience should bring the 
fatal example home to ourselves ! 

The situation of this country is alarming 
enough to rouse the attention of every man 
who pretends to a concern for the public wel« 
fare. Appearances justify suspicion; andwhtn 
ibe safety of a nation is at stake, suspicion is a 
just ground of inquiry. Let us enter into it with 
candour and decency. Respect is due to the 
blation of ministers ; and, if a resolution uius-t 
id last be taken, there is none so likely to be 
f^upported with firmness, as that which has 
hvcn adopted with moderation. 

The ruin or prosperity of a state depends so 
much upon lUe administration of its govern- 
ment, that, to be acqMftlntrd v.'ith th(^ merit of 
a ministry we need oidy observe tue eonditio» 
A>f the peoi>lc. If we see them obedient to the 
"laws, prosperous in their indastrj', tinited at 
home, and respected abroad^ we may reasoii^ 
irbly presume that their aiiairs are conducted 
by men of experience, abilities, aiid virtue. If; 
on the contrary, we see an universal spirit of 
tiistrust and di'asatisfact.ioT!, a rapid dtray of 
trade, dissensions in all parts of the empire, and 
a total loss oi'respect in the cyos of foreign pow- 
ers, we may pronounce, vvithoui hesitation- 
that the govei-mnent of thnt eoutitry is vyeak, 
distracted, and corrupt. Tiie mullilude, in alt 
countries, are patient to a certain pomL 111 
usage may rouse their indignation; and hurry 
them into excesses; but the oriaiial fault i&iu 
government. Perhaps there never was an in- 
stance of a change, in the circumstances and 
temper of a whole nation, so «uddon and extrrr ^ 
ordinaiy as that which the misconduct of mii^^ 
isters has within these few years produced in ' 
fxre&t Britain. When our gracious sovcreigu 



escpml»,'d ll;o throne, \\c were a fiouvlsljing and 
Ji cojitPiited {leople. It' the personal virtues of 
u kiiag couhl have ensiirecl the happiness of hi» 
*ui)jetls, the scene could not li.-ive ahered so 
<"ntire{y ;is it has done. The idea of uniting all 
parties, of trying all riiaracters, and distrihut- 
inp, the oliiccs of stido by rotation, was gra- 
eious and l>eMcvoIcnt to an extreme, tliough it 
Jias not yet produced tlie mnriy salutary effects 
which w'^ere inleiidcd by it. To say nothing of 
t!ie -wi^doui of such a }*hin, it undoul^ledly 
jroee from an nnboinided gcxubicss of heart, 
iii which folly had no share. It was i;ot a ca- 
pricioiis partiality to new faces-; it was not a 
iiaUiral tuni for low inlrignc; i!or\\as it the 
treacherous auiuseincnt of double and triple 
iieg<M;ialions. No, sir, it arose fro2n a continu- 
ed anxiety, in tlie purest of -all "possible iiearts, 
for the general welfare. Li.fovtniuilely lor n?, 
ihe event has not Iieen ;.npwera!>le to llj<? ('• - 
sign. After a i-apid succession of changes, we 
41 re reduced to that state Vvhicii luuiily any 
chance can u'.end. Yet ther.- i:, no extremity 
of di.-,(rcss wliicl), of itself, ought to reduce *a 
; reat isation lo despair. It is tioI the disorder, 
l.'ut the physician ; it is not the casual concia- 
lence of calaniittM;s circui;]stances ; it is the 
pernicious hand of goveriiuK-nl which alone 
« an make a whole })eoplc desperate. 

Without much pMiiiical sagticiiy, or rny es- 
traordinarydepthof ol:seivation,wcneedordy 
mark how the principal depaitnients of the 
state are bestowed, and look r.o farther for the 
true cause of every mischief that befa'is us. 

The finances^ of u luilion, sinking under it*, 

*The Duke of Graftoe. took the office of Sfvietary 
of Slate, with an cnjrageineut lo support liie Mar- 
quis of {{ockinghaiii's administration. He resign- 
ed, however, in a little time, under pretence that 
lie could not act without Lord Chatham, nor bear 



4 JL'iMUS. 

clcbls and expenses, are committeu to a young 
hoblcman already ruined byplay. Introduced 
to act under tiie auspices of Lord Chatham, 
and left at the head of afiairs by that noble- 
man's retreat, he became minister by acci- 
dent; but deserting the principles and profes- 
sions which gave him a moments popularity, we 
see him, from every honourable engagement 
to the public, an apostate by design. As for 
business, the vrorld, yet knows nothing of his 
talents or resolution; unless a wayward, wa- 
vering inconsistency be a mark of genius, and 
caprice a demonstration of spirit. It may be 
said, perhaps, that it is l-is Grace's province, as 
.surely as it is his passion, rather to distribute 
than to save the public money ; and that while 
Lord North is Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
the first Lord of the Treasury may be as 
thoughtless and extravagant as he pleases. I 
hope, however, he will not rely too much on 
the fertility of Lord North's geniusfor finance ; 
his lordship is yet to give' us the first proof of 
his abilities. It may be candid to suppose, that 
he has hitherto voluntarily concealed his ta- 
lents ; intending, perhaps, to astonish the 
world, when Ave least expect if, with a know- 
ledge of trade, a choice of expedients, and a 
depth of resources, equal to the necessities, 
and far beyond the hopes of his country. He 
must now exert the whole power of his capa- 
city, if he would wish us to forget, that, since 
he has been in oince, no plan has been formed, 
no system adhered to, nor any one important 
measure adopted !for the relief of public cre- 

tosce Mr. Wilkes abandoned; hut thatunderLord 
Cljalham he would act in any office. This was the ^, 
signal of Lord RockinghaiJi's dismission. When 
Ij©rd Ciiatham came in, the Dulce got po.ssession ol* 
fkf treasury. Reader, mark the congeijuence ! 



JUNIUS. 5 

dU. If his plan for the service of the current 
year be not irrevocably fixed on, let mc v.'avn 
him to think seriously of coii3e(jUcnces before 
he ventures to inerci^e the public debt. Out- 
raged and oppressed as we are, this nation will 
not bear, after a six years' peace, to see new 
millions borrowed, without an eventual dimi- 
nution of debt, or reduction of interest, '1 he 
attempt might rouse a sj)iriL of resentment 
which might reach beyond the sacrifice of a 
minister. As to tiie debt upon the civil list, 
the people of England expect, that it will not 
be paid without a strict inquiry how it Vvas 
incurred. If it must be paid by Parliament, let 
me advise the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
to think of some better expedient than a lot- 
tery. To support an expensive war, or in cir- 
cumstances of absolute necessity, a lottery, 
may, perhaps, be allowable; but, besides, that 
it is at ell times the very worst way of raising 
money upon the people, I think it ill becomes 
the royal dignity, to have the debts of a King 
provided for like the repairsof a country bridge 
or a decayed hospital. The man?.gement of 
the king's affairs in the House of Commons 
cannot be more disgraced than it has been. A 
leading minister* repeatedly called down for 
absolute ignorance, ridiculous motions ridicu- 
lously withdrawn, deliberate plans disconcert- 
ed, and a week's prejiaration of graceful ora- 
tory lost in a moment, give us some, though 
not adequate ideas of Lord North's parliamen- 
tary abilities and inlluence. Yet before he had 
the misfortune of being Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer, he was neither an object of derision 
to his enemies, nor of melancholy pity to his 
friends. 

A series of inconsistent measures has alien- 

*This happened frequently to poor Lord North. 



G JUNIUS. 

aleJ the colonies from their duly as subject*, 
and from their natural ailVctions to their com- ! 
iTion country. When Mr. Greisville was placed 
Sit the head of the treasury, he felt the impos- 
sibility of Great Britain's supporting such aa 
estahlighment, as her former successes had 
made indispensable, and at the iaine time of 
giving any sensible relief to foreign trade, and 
to the weight of the public debt. He tho'Ji,dit 
it equitable, that those parts of the empire 
wiiich had beuerdtod nio.4 by the expenses of 
tire war, should contribute something to the 
expenses of thejieace, and he had no doubt of 
the constitutional right %'ested in parliament to 
raise the contribution. But, unfortunately for 
this coutilry, Mr Grenville was nt any rate to 
be distrc.jsed, because he was minister; and 
Mr. Pitt* and Lonl €?amden were to be the 
patrons of America, because they were in op- 
position. The declaration gave spirit and ar- 
gument to the colonies; and while, perhaj)?, 
they meant no more than the ruin of a minis- 
Icr, they, in eiFect, divided one half of the em- 
pire from the other. 

Under one administration the stamp-act h 
made; under the second it is repealed; under 
the third, in spite of all experience, a new mode 
of taxing the colonies is invented, and a qiicH- 
tion revived which ought to have been buried 
in oblivion. In these circumstances, a new 
office is establislied for the business of the 
plantations, and the Earl of Hillsborough csllei 
forth, at a most critical season, to govern Ame- 
rica. The choice, at least, announced to us a 
iiiaa of superior capacity and knowledge. — 
Whether he be so or not, let his dispatclies, es 
far as they have aj^peared, let his pleasures, as 

* V^et Jiiuiu.^ has been called the p&rtisan ot'Lqrd • 
CU;ttham * 



JUNIUS. 1 

far M they have operated, determine for him. 
Ill (he former we have seen strong assertion* 
without proof, declamation without argument, 
and violent censures without dignity or mode« 
ration ; l»nt neither correctness in the compo- 
sition, nur judgment in the design. As for his 
measures, let it be renierabercd, that he wa* 
called upon to conciliate and unite ; and that, 
when he entered into office, the most refrac- 
tory of the colonies were still disposed to pro- 
ceed by the constitutional methods of petition 
and remonstrance Since that period the3r 
have been driven into excesses little short oi 
rebellion. Petitions have been hindered from 
reaching the throne; and the continuance of 
one of the principal assemblies rested upon an 
arbitrary condition,* which considering the 
temper they were in, it w^as impossible they 
Should comply with : and which would have 
availed nothing, as to the general question, if 
it had been complied with. So violent, and, t 
believe I may call it, so unconstitutional, an 
exertion of the prerogative, to say nothing of 
the weak, injudicious terms in which it was 
conveyed, gives us as humble an opinion of 
his Lordship's capacity, as it does of his tem- 
per and moderation. While we are at peace 
with other nations, our military force may, 

Eerhaps, be spared to support the Earl of Hills- 
orough's measures in America. Whenever 
that force shall be necessarily withdrawn op 
diminished, the dismission of such a minister 
will neither console us for his imprudence, nor 
remove the settled resentment ofa people, who, 
complaining of an act of the legislature, are 
outraged by an unwarrantable stretch of pre- 
rogative, and, supporting their claims by ar- 
gument, are insulted with declamation, 

*That they should retract one of their rf?ol«« 
tioB?, and erase the rntry <jf it. 



S JUNIUS. 

Drawing lots v/ould be a prudent and rea- 
sonable method of appointing the OiHcers cf 
state, compared to a late disposition of the 
Secretary's office. Lord Rochford was ac- 
quainted with the affairs and temper of the 
southern courts ; Lord Weymouth was equally 
qualified for either department ;* by what un- 
accountable caprice has it happened, that the 
latter, Avho pretends to no experience whatso- 
ever, is removed to the most important of the 
two departments, and the former, by prefer- 
ence, placed in an office where his experience 
can be of no use to him? Lord Weymouth 
had distinguished himself, in his first employ- 
ment, by a spirited, if not judicious, conduct. 
He had animated the civil magistrate beyond 
the tone of civil authority, and had directed 
the operations of the army to more than mili- 
tary execution. Recovered from the errors of 
his youth, from the distraction of play, and th« 
bewitching smiles of Burgundy, behold him 
exerting the whole strength of his clear, un* 
clouded faculties, in the service of the crown. 
It was not the heat of midnight excesses, nor 
ignorance of the laws, nor the furious spirit of 
the house of Bedford ; no, sir, when this re- 
pectable minister interposed his authority bes- 
tween the magistrate and the people, and sign* 
ed the mandate, on which, forought he knew, 
the lives of thousands depended, he did it from 
the deliberate motion of his heart, supported 
by the best of his judgment. 

It has lately been a fashion to pay a com- 
pliment to the bravery and generosity of the 

''^ It was pretended that the Earl of Rochford, 
while ambassador in France had quarrelled with the 
Duke of Choiseul ; and that, therefore, he was ap- 
pointed to the Noithern^ Department, out of com- 

i[)i!ment to the Frcncli ii^lnister. 



JUNIUS. 9 

corhraandcr in cliiof,* at the expense of his 
untlor6tnndiii«(. They v. haiove him least, make 
no question of his courage, Avhile his friends 
dwell chiefly on the facility of his disposition* 
Admitting him to be as brave as a total absence 
of all feeling and reflection can make him, let 
us see what sort of merit he derives from the 
remainder of his character. If it be generosity 
to accumulate, in his ovv'n person and family, 
p. number of lucrative cmpioyments; to pro- 
vide, at the public expense, for every creature 
that bears the name of Manners ; and, neglect- 
ing the merit and services of the rest of the 
army, to heap promotions upon his favourites 
and dependents', the present commander in 
chief is the mo?t generous man alive. Nature 
lias been sparing of her gifts to this noble lord ; 
but v.'here birth and fortune are united, we 
expect the noble pride and independence of a 
man of s{)irif, not the servile, humiliating com- 
plaisance of H conrtier. As to the goodness of 
his heart, if a proof of it be taken f)om the 
facility of nevcrrefnsing,Avhfit conclusion shall 
we drawfroni the indecency of never pertbrm- 
ing? And if the discipline of the army be in 
any degree preserved, what thanks are due to 
a man, \vhose cares, notoriously confined to 
fdling up vacancies, have degradewl tiio oilice 
of commander in chief, into a broker of coiii- 
missions ? 

With respect to the navy, I shnll only say, 
that this country is so highly indebted to S'ir 
Edward Ilawke, that no expense should be 
spared to secure to him an honourable and 
ainuent retreat? 

The pure and impartial administration of 
justice is, perhaps, the firmest bond to secure* 
a cheerful submission of the people, end t<> 

* The lite Lord Granby. 
K2 



50 JUJSIUS. 

engage their aifections to governraenf,. It is 
not sufficient that questions of private rii^ht or 
wrong are jtisily decided, nor that judges arc 
superior to the viieness of pecuniay corrij))- 
tion. Jefferies himself, when the coarl had no 
interest, was an upright judge. A court of: 
justice may be subject to another sort of bia-=, 
more important and pernicious, as it reaches 
beyond the interest of individuals, and aiEFect^ 
the whole community. A judge tuider the in- 
f.uence of government may be honest euougli 
in the decision of private causes, yet a traitor 
to the public. When a victim is marked out 
by the ministry, this judge will oSer hirriself 
to perform the sacrifice. He will not scruple 
to prostitute his dignity, and betray the sanc- 
tity of his office, whenever an arbitrary poiirt 
is to be carried for government, or the resent- 
ment of a coai't to be gratified. 

These principles and proceedings, odious and 
contemptible as they are, in efl'ect are no le-s 
injudicious. A wise and generous peo[)!e ar3 
roused by every appearance of oppressive, 
unconstitutional measures, whether those mea- 
s.urcs are supported openly by the power of 
go\''ornmfut, or masked under tlte form o{ a 
court of justics. Prudence and self-preserva- 
tion will oblige the most modenite dispositions, 
to rna ke coui mou cause, even with a man whose 
conduct they censure, if they see hitn perse- 
cuted in a way which the real spirit of the lawS 
will not justify. The facts on which these re- 
marks are founded are too notorious to require 
ail application. 

This, sir, is the detail. In one view, behold 
Va nation overwhelmed with debt; her reve- 
nues wMsted, her trade declining; the alTec- 
tions of her colonies alienated ; the duty oi 
the magistrate transferred to the soldiery ; ;i 
sallaatarmv, which never fought unwiUiu^'v 



JUNIUS. li 

but against their fellow-suljjects, mouldering 
away for want of the direction of a man of 
common abilities aitd spirit; and, in the last 
instance, the administration of justice become 
odioi!S and suspected to the whole body of the 
people. This deplorable scene adnwts of but 
one addition : that we are governed by coun- 
sels fron) which a reasonable man can expect 
no remedy but poison, no relief but death. 

If, by the immediate interposition of Provi- 
dence, it were possible for us to escape a cri- 
sis so full of terror and despair, posterity will 
not believe the history of the present times. — ■ 
They will either con<;lude that our distresses 
irere imaginary, or that we had the good for- 
tune to be governed by men of acknowledged 
integrity and wisdom : they will not believe 
it possible, that their ancestors could have sur- 
vived or recovered from so desperate a con- 
xlition, while a Duke of Grafton was prime 
Jliiuister; a Lord North Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer; a Weymouth and a Hillsborough se- 
cretaries of state ; a Granby commander in 
chief; and a Mansfield chief criminal judge of 
the kingdom. JUNIUS. 



LETTER II. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

3iR, January 2<3, 1769. 

Th« kingdom swarms with such numbftrs-.^ 
of felonious robbers of private character and 
virtue, that no honest or good man is safe ; 
especially as these cowardly, base assassins 
^ab in the dark, without having the courage 
to sign their real names ta their maUvolent 



lii JUMUS. 

and wicked productions. A writer, who siguM 
himself Junius, in the Public Advertiser, of the 
2lst instant, opens the deplorable situation of 
his country, in a very atfecting manner. With 
a pompous parade of his candour and decency, 
he tells us, that we see dissentions in all parts 
of the empire, an universal spirit of distrust and 
dissatisfaction, and a total loss of respect to- 
wards us in the eyes of foreign powers. But 
this writer, Avith all his boasted candour, has not 
told us the real cause of the evils he so patheti- 
cally enumerates. T shall take the liberty to 
explain the cause for him. Junius, and such 
writers as himself, occasion all the niiic!)ief 
complained of, by falsely and maliciously tra- 
ducing the best characters in the kingdom : for 
when our deluded people at home, and foreign- 
ers abroad, read the poisonous and inllamma- 
tory libels that are daily published witli impu- 
nity, to vilify those Avho are any way dibiin- 
guished by their good qualities and eminent 
virtues ; when they find no notice taken of, or 
reply given to these slanderous tongues aixd 
pens, their conclusion is, that both the minis'- 
ters and the nation have been fairly described, 
and they act accordingly. I think it, therefore, 
the, duty of every good citiz«m to stanJ fortli, 
and endeavor to undeceive the public, when 
the vilest arts are made use of to def^^'me and 
blacken the brighest characters among u.?. A%\ 
eminent author affirms it to be almost as cri- 
minal to hear a Vi^orihy man traduced, wilhouf: 
attempting his justiiication, as to be the author 
of the calumny against him. For tny own part, 
I think it a sort of misprision of treason against 
society. No man, therefore, who knows Lord 
Granby, can possibly hear so good and groat 
a character most vilely abused, vathouta warm 
and just indignation against this Jiniius, this 
kigh-priest of envy, malicejand ail t::ichanta- 



JUNIUS. 1?J 

lilenes?!, who bus endeavoured to sacritice onr 
, beloved conniiundei* in chief, at the altars of 
his horrid deities. Nor is the injury done to 
his lordship alone,, but to the whole nation, 
which may too soon teel the co!itcmpt and con- 
sequently the attacks, of our late enemies, if 
they can be induced to believe, that the per- 
son on whom the safety of these kingdoms so 
much depends, is unecjual to his high slation, 
an<l destitute of those (|iuditie3 wliich form a 
good general. One would have thought that 
his lordihip's services in the cause of his coun- 
try, from tlie battle of Culloden to his most 
r;,!orious contlusion of the late war, might have 
icntitlcd liim to common respect nnd decency 
at least; but this uncandid, indecent writer, 
lias go!i3 so far as to turn one of tlic most 
amiable men of the age, inttD a stupid, unfeel- 
ing^ and senseless being; possessed, indeed, of 
personal coT'.ragc, but void of those essential 
((fiulities whicli distinguish the commander 
from the couunon soldier. 

A very long, unlnterrirpted, impartial, (I will 
aid, a most disiiiterested iViehdship) with Lord 
Granby, gives ms the right to aiiirm, that all 
.Inuius's assertions are.faba and sc'indalous. — 
Lord'Granby's courage, though of the brightest 
and must ardeiK kim!, is among the lowest 
of hi^.nti.^iicrous good wiKdities ; he ^vasformed 
to excel in war, by nature's liberality to his 
mind as well as person. Educated and In- 
stmcted hy his most noble father, and a most 
spirited as well as excellent scliolar, the pres- 
ent Bishop of Bangor, he was trained to the 
nicest sense of honour, and to the truest and 
noblest sort of pride, that cf never doing or 
sulicring a mean action. A sincere love and 
atlachment to his king and coutitry, and to 
their glc.ny, lirol impelled hiui to the field, 
v.herc he never p-nined oucrht bill honour — 



14 JtFNIUS. 

TTe impaired, through his bounty, his 6wn for- 
tune; for his bounty, which this v.'riter would 
in vain depreciate, is founded upon the noblest 
of the human affections ; it flows from a heart 
melting to goodness; from the most refined 
humanity. Can a man, who is described ?s 
unfeeling, and void of reflection, be constantly 
employed in seeking proper objects, on whom 
to exercise those glorious virtues of compas- 
sion and generosity ? The distressed officer, 
the soldier, the widow, the orphan, and a long 
list besides, know that vanity has no share in 
his frequent donations; he gives, because he 
feels their distresses. Nor has he ever been 
rapacious with one hand, to be bountiful with 
the other. Yet this uncandrd Junius would 
insinuate, that the dignity of the commander 
in chief is depraved into the base office of a 
commission broker; that is, Lord Granby bar- 
gains for the sale of commissions; for it must 
have this meariing, if it has any at all. But 
where is the man living who can justly charge 
his lordship with such mean practices? Why 
does not Junius produce him ? Junius knows 
that he has no other means of wounding this 
hero, than from some missile weapon, shot 
from an obscure corner. He seeks, as all such 
defamatory writers do, 

— spargere voces 

In vulgum a.mbiguas, 



(o raise saspicion in the minds of the people. 
But I hope that ray countrymen will be no 
longer imposed upon, by artful and designing 
men, or bv wretches, who, bankrupts in busi- 
ness, in fame, and in fortune, mean nothing 
more than to involve this country in the same 
common ruin with themselves. Hence it is., 
that they ht** con.stfJntly aiminjth&ir dark, antJ 



too often fatal, weapons against those nlio 
> stand tbrth as tlie bulwark of our national safe- 
ty. Lord Granby was too conspicuous a inar'v 
not to be their object. He is next attacked for 
being unfaithful to liis promises riiid enga2;e.- 
raents. Where are Junijjj's proof? ? AItiu/ii?;h 
i could give some instances where a breach ot 
promise would be a virttTe, especiidly in t!i'; 
case of tiiose wha would pervert \hp opeji, 
nnA,uspftctine; moments of convivial nii)!h; into 
sly. insidious applications for preferni"nt, or 
parfy systems, and would endeavour to .'^u; • 
prise a good man, who cannot bear to see r.ny 
one leave him dissatisfied, into uuffunrded 
promises. Lord Granl)y'p attention to his ovv?r 
fan)i!y r-nd relations is (tailed selfish. Had h'; 
not ahcnded to them, when fair nnd just oj-- 
portunitios presented (hemselvr's, I should ha\ ^^ 
thought him unffcding, and void of rcilertioiT 
indeed. How are any man's tiicuds or rehi- 
tions to be provided for, but from the intlu- 
ence and protection of the patron ? It is un- 
fairt|> suppose, that Lord Granby's fiiends have 
not as much merit as the friends of any other 
great mm. If he is generous at tiie public ex- 
pense., as Junius invidiously calls it, the public 
is at no more expense for his lordship's friends, 
than it would be if any other set of men pos- 
sessed those offices. The charge is ridiculous ! • 
The last charge against Lord Granby is of a <^ 
most serious and alarming nature indeed. — ■ 
Junius asserts, that the army is moulderin;^ 
away, tor want of the direction of a man oi' 
common abilities and spirit. The present con- 
dition of the army gives the directest lie to his 
assertions. It w;is never upon a more respect- 
ftl.'le footing wilb regard to discipline, and all 
ihe essentials thiit can form good sokliers. — ■ 
) Lord Ligonier delivered a firm and noble pal- 
ladiiMU of our safeties into Lord (irattbv's hs*mlsv 



16- JUNIUS. 

who has kept it In the same good order in 'vvhich 
he received it. The strictest care has been ta- 
ken to fill up the vacant commissions with such 
gentlemen as have the glory of their ancestors 
to support, as well as their own ; and are dou- 
bly bound to the cause of their king and coun- 
try, from motives of private property, as well 
as public spirit. The adjutant-general, who has 
the immediate care of the troops after Lord 
Granby, is an officer that would do great ho- 
nour in any service in Europe, for his correct 
arrangements, good sense and discernment 
lipon all occasions, and for a punctuality and 
precision which give the most entire satisfac- 
tion to all who arc obliged to consult him,—*' 
The reviewing generals who inspect the army 
twice a year, have been selected with the great- 
est care, and have answered the important trust 
reposed in them in the most laudable manner. 
Their reports of the condition of the army, are 
much more to be credited than those of Junius, 
whom I do advise to atone for his shameful as- 
persions, by asking pardon of Lord Granby and 
the whole kingdom, whom he has offended by 
his abominable scandals. In short, to turn Ju- 
nius's own battery against him, I must assert, 
hi his own words, " that he has given strong 
assertions witiiout proof, declamation without 
argument, and violent censures without dignity 
or moderation." WILLIAM DRAPER. 



LETTER m. 

To Sir William Draper, Knight ofihe Bath, 
Sir, February 7, 1769. 

YasjR defence of LorJ,Granbv does honour 



jfNius. r; 

h) the goodness of your heart. You feel, as 
. yououglit to do, for tije reputation of your 
friend, and you express yourself in the warm- 
est language of your passions. In any other 
cause, I doubt not you would have cautiously 
weighed the conoequenctsof conuuittingyour 
uanjc to tlic licentious discourses and malig- 
nant o[)iijlons of the world. But here, I pre- 
sume, you thought it would be a breach of 
friendship to lose one moment in consulting 
your u!iderstanding ; as if an appeal to the 
public were no more than a military coup dt 
mnini where a brave man has no rules to fol- 
low but the dictates of his courage. Touched 
with your generosity, I freely forgive the ex- 
cesses into which it has led you; and, far from 
resentin|( those terms of reproach, wliich, con- 
sidering that you are an advocate for decorum, 
you have heaped upon me rather too liberally, 
I place them to the account of an honest, un- 
reflecting indignation, in which your cooler 
judgment and natural politeness had no con- 
cern. I approve of the spirit with which you 
have given your name to the public; and if it 
were a proof of any thing but spirit, I should 
have thought myself bound to follow your ex- 
ample. I shaidd have hoped that even my 
name migiit carry some authority with it, if 1 
had not seen how very little weight or consi- 
deration a printed paper receives even from 
the respectable signature of Sir William Dra- 
per. 

You begin with a general assertion, that wri- 
ters, such as I am, are the real cause of all the 
public evils we complain of. And do you really 
think, Sir William, that the licentious pen of 
a political writer is able to produce such im- 
portant ettects? A little calm reHection mighj; 
have shown you, that national calamities do 
not arise from ll;e description, but from the 



is JUNIUS. 

real character and conduct of minister?:. To 
have supported yourassertion, you should have ^ 
proved that the present ministry are unques- 
tionably the best and brvj;htest characters of the 
kingdom ; and that, if the affections of the co- 
lonies have been alienated, if Corsica has been 
shamefully abandoned, if commerce languish- 
es, if public credit is threatened with a new 
debt, and your own Manilla ransom most tJis- 
honourably given up, it has all been owing to 
the malice of political writer?, who will not 
suffer the best and brightest characters (mean- 
ing still the present ministry) to take a single 
right step, for the honour or interest of the na- 
tion. But it seems you were a little tender of 
coming to particulars. Your conscience insin- 
uated to you that it would be prudent to leave 
the characters of Grafton, North, Hillsborough, 
Weymouth, and Mansfield, to shift for them- 
selves; and truly, Sir William, the part you 
have undertaken is at least as much as you are 
equal to. v 

Without disputing Lord Granby's courage, 
we are yet to learn in what articles of military 
knowledge nature has been so very liberal to 
his mind. If you have served with him, you 
ought to have pointed out some instances of 
able disposition, and well-concerted enterprise, 
which might fairly be attributed to his capacity 
as a general. It is you, Sir William, who make 
your friend appear awkward and ridiculous, 
by giving him a laced suit of tawdry qualifica- 
tions, which nature never intended him to wear. 

You say, he has acquired nothingbut honour 
in the field. Is the ordnance nothing ? Are the 
blues nothing ? Is the command of the array, 
with all the patronage annexed to it, nothing.? 
Where he got all these nothings I know not ; 
but you at least ought to have told us when he i 
deserved theia. 



JUNIUS. 19 

As to his bonnly, copnpa<!h»on, ^c it would 
">have been fnit little to the purpose, though you 
had proved all that you liave asserted. I med- 
dle with nothing but his character a? command- 
er ill chiet"; and though I ac(juit him of the 
baseness of selling commission.?, I still assert, 
that his military cares have never extended 
beyond the disposal of vacancies ; and I am 
justifu'd by the compl.unts of the whole anriy, 
when I say, that, in this distribution, he con- 
sults nothinjj but {nu'liamenlary interest", or 
fh'? .c:ratin cation of his imniediiite dependents. 
As to his servile submission to llie reigning mi- 
nistry, let nip ai^lc. vv bother he did not desert 
the cause of the whole army when he suffered 
Sir Jelfery Aiuherst to be sacriiiced, and what 
share he had in recalling that officer to the 
service ? Did he not betray the just interest of 
the army in permitting Lord Percy to have a 
regiment ? And does he not, at this moment, 
give up all character and dignity as a gentle- 
man, iii receding from his own repeated de- 
clarations in favour of Mr. Wilkes ? 

In the two next articles, I think, we are 
agreed. You candidly admit, thot he often 
makes such promises as it is a virtue in him to 
violate, and that no man is more assiduous to 
provide for his relations at the public expense. 
f did not urge the last as an absolute vice in his 
disposition, but to prove that a careless disin- 
ieresled spirit is no part of his character ; and 
as to the other, I desire it may be remember- 
ed, tliat I never descended to the indecency 
of Incpiiring into his convivial hours. It is you, 
U, Sir \Viiriam Draper, who have taken pains to 
represent your friend in the character of a 
drunken landlord, wdio deals out his promises 
Rs libendiy as his liquor, and will suffer no 
1 man to leave his table either sorrowful or so- 
bfci", rs'onc but an intimate frienfl, who must 



20 JUNIUS. 

frequently have seen him in these unhapj)7, 
disgraceful moments, could have described himx#^ 
so well. 

The last charge, of the neglect of the army, 
is indeed the most material of all. I am sorry 
to tell you, Sir William, that in this article your 
first fact is false ; and as there is nothing more 
painful to me than to give a direct contradic- 
tion to a gentleman of your appearance, I could 
"wish, that in your future publications, you 
would pay a greater attention to the truth of 
your premises, before you sutfer your genius 
to hurry you to a conclusion. Lord Ligonier 
did 7?o^ deliver the army, (which you, in clas- 
sical language, are pleased to call a palladium) 
into Lord Granby's hands. It was taken from 
him, much against his inclination, some two or 
threeyearsbeforeLordGranby wascommand- 
erin chief. As to the state of the army, I should 
be glad to know where you have received your 
intelligence. Was it in the rooms at Bath, or 
at ycMjr retreat at Clifton ? The reports of the 
reviewing generals comprehend only a few 
regiments in England, which, as they are im- 
mediately under the royal inspection, are.per- 
haps in some tolerable order. But do you know 
any thing of the troops in" the West Indies, the 
Mediterranean, and North America, to say no- 
thing of a whole army absolutely ruined in Ire- 
land ? Inquire a little into facts. Sir William, 
before you publish your next panegyric upon 
Lord Granby ; and believe me, yo'ii will find 
there is a fault at head-quarters, which even 
the acknowledged care and abilities of the ad- 
jutant-general cannot correct. # 

Permit me now, Sir William, to address my- 
self personally to you^ by way of thanks for 
the honour of your correspondence. You are 
by no means undeserv'ing of notice, and it may • 
be of consequence even to Lord Granby, to 



.1UMU3. 21 

%ave it determined, Avhether or no the man, 
Avho lias praised him so lavishly, be himself 
deserving of praise. When you retm'ned to 
Europe, you zealously undertook the cause of 
that gallant army, by whose bravery at Manilla 
your own fortune had been established. You 
complained, you threatened, you even appeal- 
ed to the public in print. By what accident 
did it happen, that, in the midst of all this bus- 
tle, and all these clamours for justice to your 
injured troops, the name of the Manilla ran- 
som was suddenly buried in a profound, and, 
since that time, an uninterrupted silence ? Did 
the ministry suggest any motives to you, strong 
enough to tempt a man of honour to desert and 
betray the cause of his fellow soldiers? Wag 
it that blushing ribbon which is now the per- 
petual ornament of your person .'' Or, was it 
that regiment which you afterwards (a thin^ 
unprecedented among soldiers) sold to Colonel 
Gisborne? Or, was it that government, the 
full pay of which you arc contented to hold, 
with the halfipay of an Irish colonel ? And do 
you riOAV, after a retreat not very like that of 
Sclpio, presume to intrude yourself, uuthought 
of, uncalled for, upon the patience of the pub- 
lic ? Are your flatteries of the commander in 
chief directed to another regiment, which you 
may again dispose of on the same honourable 
terms ? AVe know your prudence. Sir William ; 
and I should be sorry to stop your preferment. 

JUNIUS. 



2S ^TL'NirS. 

LETTER W. ¥• 

To Juniui. 

SiRj February 17, 1769. 

1 received Junius's favour last night : he is 
determined to keep his advantage by the hel}) 
of his mask : it is an excellent protection ; it 
has saved many a man from an untimely end. 
But whenever he will be honest enoug;h to lay 
it aside, avow himself, and produce the face 
which has so long lurked behind it, the world 
will be able to judge of his motives for writ- 
ing such infamous invectives. His real name 
will discover his freedom and independency, 
or his servility to a faction . Disappointed am- 
bition, resentment for defeated hopes, and de- 
sire of revenge, assume but too often the ap* 
pearance of public s}M!lt: but, be his designs 
wicked or charitable. Junius should learn, that 
it is possible to condemn measures without a 
barbarous and criminal outrage against men. 
Junius delights to mangle carcasses with a 
hatchet; his language and instrument have a 
great connection uuth Clare-Market; andj' to 
do him justice, he handles his weapon ir.iist ad- 
mirably. One uonld imagine he Itad been 
taught to throw it by tiie savages o( Aintnca,* 
It is, t]ierefore,high time for me to stenin once 
more to shield my friend front this jiierciless 
weapon, although I may be wounded in the 
attempt. But 1 must fiist ask Junit!s,.by Avhat 
forced analogy and construction, the moments 
'of convivial mirtli are made to signif}' inde- 
cency, a violatian of engagements, a drunken 
landlord, and a desire that every one in com- 
pany should be drunk likewise ? Me must hav6*t 
culled all the flowers of St. Giles's and BiK 
lingsgate^ to have produced suck a piece of 



JIJMUS. 23 

Oratory. 1 lere the hatchet descends ^\ itb (en- 
fold vengeance : but alas ! it hurts no one but 
ils master ! For Junius rnust not think to put 
^vordsintoniy mouth, that seem too foul even 
for liis own. 

My friend's political engajcjemenls I IvnoW 
not ; so cannot pretend to explain them, or 
assert their consistency. 1 know not^\hethe^ 
Junius be considerable enough to belong to 
finy fiarty. Jf he should be so, can he affirm 
(hat he has always adhered to one sft ot-men 
find measures ? Is he sure that he has never 
sided with those w horn he was first hired to 
abuse? Has he never abused those he was hi- 
red to praise ? To say the truth, most men's 
politics sit much too loosely about them. But, 
US my (fiend's military character was the chief 
object that engaged me in this conlrovery, to 
that 1 shall return. 

Junius asks, wdial instances my friend lias 
j'/iveh of his military skill and capacity us a 
i^eiical ? When aijd where he gained his hono- 
ui? When he deserved his emoluments .'^ Tlie 
iinited voice ot the army which served under 
him, the glorious testimony of Prince Ferdi- 
nand, anri of vuj.quished enemies, all Germa- 
ny will tell himv Junius repeats (he complaints 
of tlic army against parliamentary influence. 
1 love tlie army loo well not to wi&h tliat such 
influence were less. Let Junius point out the 
time when it l-.as not prevailed. It was of the 
least force in the time of that great man, the 
late Duke of Cumberland, who, as a prince of 
the blood, was able, as well as w illing, to stem 
i\ torrent which would have overborne any 
private subject. In time of war, (his influence 
IS small. In peace, when discontent and fac- 
tionbave the surest means to operate, especial- 
ly in ihis country, and when, from a scarcity 
©♦'public s^niit, the wheels of goverument are 



'24 JUNIUS. 

rarely moved but by the power and force of 
obligations, its weight is always too great. Yet, 
if Ihis influence, at present, has done no great- 
er harm than the placing Earl Percy at the 
head of a regiment, I do not think that either 
the rights or best interests of the army are sa- 
criilced and betrayed, or the nation undone- 
Let me ask Junius, if he knows any one noble- 
man in the ar.Tiy who has had a regiment by 
seniority ? I feet myself happy in seeing young 
noblemen of illustrious name and great prop- 
erty come among us. They are an additional 
security to the kingdom from foreign or do- 
mestic slavery. Junius needs not be told, that 
should the time ever come, when this nation is 
to be defended only by those who haye noth- 
ing more to lose than their arms and their pav, 
its danger will be great indeed. A happy mix- 
ture of men of quality with soldiers of fortune, 
is always to be wished for. But the main point 
is still to be contended for ; I mean the disci- 
pline and condition of the army; and I must 
still maintain, though contradicted by .Junius, 
that it was never upon a more respectable foot- 
ing, as to all the essentials that caji form good 
soldiers, than it is at present. Junius is lorc- 
ed to allow, that our army atTiome maybe in 
some tolerable order; yet, how kindly does 
he invite our late enemies to the invasion of 
Ireland, by assuring them, that the army in 
that kingdom is totally ruined ! (The colonels 
of that army are much obliged to him.) I have 
too great an opinion of the military talents of 
the lord lieutenant, and of all their diligence 
and capacity to believe it. If, from some 
strange unaccountable fatality, the peo{>le of 
tliat kingdom cannot be induced to consult 
their own security, by such an effectual aug- 
mentation, as may enable the troops there to 
act with power and energy, b the command- 



JUNIUS. 25 

* er in chief here to blame ? Or, is he to blame, 
because the troops in the Mediterranean, in 
the West Indies, in America, labour under 
great diificuUies from the scarcity of men, 
which is but too visible all over these king- 
doms ? Many of our forces are in climates un- 
favourable to British constitutions ; their loss 
is in proportion. Britain must recruit all these 
regiments from her own emaciated bosom; or| 
more precariously, by catholics from Ireland. 
We are likewise subject to the fatal drains to 
the East Indies, (o Senegal, and the alarming 
emigrations of our people to other countries. 
Such depopulation can only be repaired by a 
long peace, or by some sensible bill of natu' 
ralization. 

I must now take the liberty of addressing 
Juniiis on ray own account. He is pleased 
to teli me, th^t he addresses himself to me 
personally. I shall be glad to see him. It is 
his iinpcrsonaliiy that 1 complain of, and his 
invisible attacks; for, his dagger in the air is 
only to be regarded, because one cannot see 
the hand wliich holds it ; but, had it not Avound- 
ed other people more deeply than myself, I 
sliould not have obtruded myself at all on the 
patience of the public. 

Mark how a plain tale shall put him down, 
and transfuse the blush of my ribbon into his 
own cheeks. Junius tells me, that, at my 
return, I zealously undertook the cause of the 
gallant army, by whose bravery at Manilla ray 
own fortunes Avere established ; that I com- 
plained, that I even appealed to the public. I 
did so ; I glory in having done so, as I had an 
undoubted right to vindicate my own charac- 
J:er, attacked by a Spanish memorial, and to 
' assert the rights of my brave companions. I 
glory likeAvise, that I have never taken up my 
pen but to vindicate the injured. Junius asks. 
C 



26 JluNiUS. 

l>y what ac'cident did it happen, that, in {ho 
midst of all this bustle, and all the claiuours 
for justice to thn injured troops, the Manilla 
ransom was suddenly b'nv'icd in a profound, 
and, since that time, an uninterru[;ted silence? 
I will explain the cause to the public. The 
several ministers who have been employed 
since that time, have been very desirous to do 
justice, from two most laudablfe motives, a 
strong inclination to assist injured bravery, 
end to acquire a Aveli deserved popularity to 
themselves. Their etforts have been in vain. 
Some were ingenuous enough to own, that 
they could not think of involving this distress- 
ed nation in another war for our private con- 
cerns. In short, our rights for the present, 
are sacrificed to national cosivenience ; and I 
must confess, that nUh.o'jg!) liipay lose hvc- 
and-tvventy thousand pounds by tlieir acqui- 
escence to this breach of faith in tlie Spaniards, 
J think they are in the right to temporise, con- 
sidering the critical situation of this country, 
convulsed in every part, by poison infused by 
anonymonS) wicked, and incendiary v/riters. 
Lord Shelbarne will do me the jus!ice>,to own, 
that, in September last, 1 Waited upon hira 
with a joint memorial from the admiral. Sir S. 
Cornish, and myself, in liehalf of our injured 
companiot!s. His lordship was as frank ujMin 
the occasion as other secretaries had been be- 
fore him. He did not deceive us, by given 
any immediat;:! hopes of relief. 
■ Junius would basely insinuate, that my si- 
lence may iiave beT-n pnrcliased by, my gov- 
ernment, by my bhit'ilng ribbon, by my regi- 
ment, by the sale of that regiment, and by ray 
half pay as an Irish colonel. >::^ 

His majesty was pleased to give me my 
government for my services at rvladras. 1 had 
tny . first regiment ia 1737. EJpoa nay return 



JUNIUS. 27 

* from IVjanilla, his majesty, by lord Egremont, 
informed me', that 1 should have the lirst va- 
cant red ribbon, as a reward for many servi- 
ces in an enterprise ■which I had pinned, as 
well as executed The Duke of Bedford and 
Mv. Grenville confirmed those assurances, 
many months before the Spaniards had pro- 
tested the ransom bills. To accommodate 
Lord Clive, then going upon a most important 
service to Bengal, I waved ray claim to the 
vacancy which then happened. As there was 
no other vacancy until the Duke of Grafton 
and Lorrl Rockingham were joint ministers, I 
was then honoured with the order: and it is, 
surely no small honour to me, that, in such a 
succession of ministers, (hey Avere all pleased 
to think that I had deserved it ; in my favour 
they were all united. Upon the reduction of 
the i9!;h redmcnt, whicli had served so elo- 
nously in the East Indies, his majesty, unso- 
licited by me, gave me tlie 16th of foot as 
an equivalent. iNIy motives for retiring, af- 
terwards, are foreign to the purpose : let it 
suffice, that his majesty was pleased to ap- 
prove of them: they are such as no man can 
think indecent, who knows the shocks (hat 
repeated vicissitudes of heat and cold, of dan- 
gerous and sickly climates, will give to the 
best constitutions, in a pretty long course of 
service. I resigned ray regiment to Colonel 
Gisborne, a very good officer, for his half pay, 
and £200 Irish annuity ; so that according to 
Junius, I have been bribed to say notiting 
more of the Manilla ransom, and to sacrifice 
those brave men, by the strange avarice of 
accepting £SSO per annum, and giving up 
£800! If this be bribery, it is net the bribery 

'^of these times. As to my (lattery, those who' 
know me will judge of it. By the asperity of 
Junius's s'.vle, I cunnot, indeed, call hira a 



28 JUNIUS. 

flatterer, unless he be as a cynic or mastiff": if 
he wags his tail, he will still growl, and long 
to bite. The public will now judge of the 
credit that ought to be given to Juuius's writ- 
ings, from the falsities that he has insinuated 
Avith respect to myself. 

WILLIAM DRAPER. 



LETTER V. 

To Sir William Draper, Knight of the Balh, 
Sir, Februarys!, 1'769. 

I sriouT.D justly be suspected of acting upon 
motives of more than common enmity to Lord 
Granby, if I continued to give you fresh ma- 
terials or occasion for writing in his defence. 
Individuals who hate, and the public who des- 
pise, have read your letters, Sir William, whh 
infinitely more satisfaction than mine. Un- 
fortunately for him, his reputation, like that 
unhappy country to which you refer me for 
his last military achievements, has suffered 
more by his friends than his enemies. In 
mercy to him. Jet us drop the subject. For 
ray own part, I willingly leave it to the public 
to determine, whether your vindication of 
your friend has been as able and judicious as 
it was certainly Avell intended: and you, I 
think, may be satisfied with the warm ac- 
knowledgments he already owes yoii, for 
making him the principal figure in a piece, in 
which, but for your amicable assistance, he 
might have passed without particular notice/ 
or distinction. 

fn justice to your friends, let your future la- 
bours be confined to the care of your own 



JUiNIUS. 2^ 

repntalion. Your declaration, (hat you are 
^ happy in seeing youne; noblemen come among; 
ns, is liable to two objections. With respect 
to Lord Percy, it means nothing; for he was 
already in the army. He was aid-de-camp to 
the king, and had the rank of colonel. A re- 
giment, therefore, could not make him a more 
military man, though it made him richer; and 
probably at the expense of some brave, de- 
serving, and friendless officer. The other con- 
cerns yourself. After selling the compan- 
ions of your victory in one instance, and after 
selling your profession in the other, by what 
authority do you presume to call yourself a 
soldier! The plain evidence of facts is supe- 
rior to all declarations. Before you were ap- 
pointed to the 16th regiment, your complaints 
w^cre a distress to government: from that mo- 
ment you were silent. The conclusion is in- 
evitable. You insinuate to us, that your ill 
state of health obliged you to quit the service. 
The retirement necessary to repair a broken 
contution, would have been as good a reason 
fornotaccepting, as for resigning, the command 
of a regiment. There is certainly an error of 
the press, or an affected obscurity in that pa- 
ragraph, where you speak of yonr bargain 
with Colonel Gisl)orne. Instead of attempting 
to answer what I do not really understand, 
permit me to explain to the public what I 
really know. In exchange for 5'^our regiment, 
you accepted of a colonel's half pay, (at least 
£220 a year,) and an annuity of £2li0 for your 
own and Lady Draper's life jointly. And is 
this the losing bargain, which you would re- 
present to us, as if you had given up an in- 
come of jCSOO a year for £380 ? Was it decent, 
^ was it honourable, in a man who pretends io 
love the army, and calls himself a soldier, to 
make a traffic of tlie royal favour, and turn the 
highest honour of an active profession into a 



80 JUINIUS. 

sordid provision for himself and his family ? 
it were unworthy of me la press you farther. 
The contempt with which the whole array 
heard of the manner of your retreat, assures 
me, that as your conduct was not justified by 
precedent, it will never be thought an exam- 
ple for imitation. 

The last and most important question re- 
mains. When you receive your half pay, do 
you or do you not, take a solemn oath, or 
sign a dccla.ration, upon your honour, to the 
following e ffect ? That you do not actually hold 
uny place of pi'ojit, civil or military, under his 
majtsty. The charge which the question plainly 
conveys against you, is of so shocking a com- 
plexion, that I sincerely wish you maybe able 
to answer it well; not merely for the colour 
of your reputation, but for your own inward 
peace of mind. JUNIUS. 



LETTER VI. 

To Junius, 

Sir, February 27, 1769. 

I HAVE a very short answer for Junius's im- 
portant question. I do not either take an oath 
or declare upon ray honour, that I have no 
place of profit, civil or military, when I re- 
ceive the half pay as an Irish colonel. My 
most gracious sovereign gives it me as a pen- 
sion : he was pleased to think I deserved it. 
The annuity of £200 Irish, and the equivalent 
for the half pay, togetlier, produce no more 
than £380 per annum, clear of fees and per- 
quisites of office. I receive £167 from my 
government at Yarmouth. Total £547 per 



JUMUS, 31 

aviniim. My conscience is much at ea?e in 
these particulars; my frieiuls need not biuiW 
ior me. 

Junius makes much and frequent use of in- 
terrogations ; they are arms tiiat may be easily 
turned against himself. 1 could by u>r,licious 
interrogation, distur!) the peace of tbo most 
virtuous man in the kingdom, I -couhl take 
the decalogue and say to one man. Did you 
never steal? To the next, Did you never com- 
n)it murder .'' And to Juniiis himself, Avho is 
putting my life and conduct to the rack. Did 
you nev'.'r '-bear false Avitness against thy 
neighbour?" Junius must easily see, that un- 
less he alHrms to the contrary, in his real 
)iame, some people, who may be as ignorant 
of him as I am, will ])e apt to suspect him of 
having deviated a litlie from the truth: there- 
fore let Junius ask no more questions. Vou 
iiite against a lile : Cease, viper ! W. D. 



LETTER VU. 

To Sir WilUam Draper, KnigJil of the Balh, 

Sjk, March 3, 1769. 

An academical education has gi\'t;n yon an 
unlimited command over the most beautiful 
figures of speech. Masks, hatchets, racks, and 
vipeis, dance through your letters in all the 
mazes of )netaphorical confusion. These arc 
the gloomy conipanions of a disturbed im.agi- 
iintion ; the melancholy madness of poetry, 
without the inspiration. I will not contend 
^"vvith you in point of com]30sition; you are a 
.scholar, Sir William ; and, if I au) truly in- 
formed, you write Latin with almost as much 



SS JUNIUS. 

purity as English. Suffei' me then (for I am a 
plain unlettered r^ian) to continue that style of 
interrogation which suits my capacity, and to 
which, considering the readiness of your an- 
swers, you ought to have no objection. Even 
Mr. Bingley* promises to answer, if put to the 
torture. 

Do you then really think, that, if I were to 
ask a most viriuous man, whether he ever com- 
mitted theft, or murder, it would disturb his 
peace of mind ? Such a question, might, per- 
haps, discompose the gravity of his muscles, 
but I believe it would little atfect the tranquil- 
lity of his conscience. Examine your own 
breast, Sir William, and you will discover, that 
reproaches and inquiries have no power to af- 
flict either the man of unblemished integrity, 
or the abandoned profligate. It is the middle 
compound character which alone is vulnera- 
ble ; the man, who, without firmness enough 
to avoid a dishonourable action, has feeling 
enough to be ashamed of it. 

I thank you for the hint of the decalogue, 
and shall take an opportunity of applying it to 
some of your most virtuous friends, in both 
houses of parliament. 

You seem to have dropped the affair of your 
regiment ; so let it rest. When you are ap- 
pointed to another, I dare say you will not 
sell it either for a gross sum, or for an annuity 
upon lives, 

I am truly glad (for really Sir William, I am 
not your enemy, nor did I begin tiiis contest 
with you) that you have been able to clear 
yourself of a crime, thougli at the expense of 
the highest indiscretion. You say that your 

* This man, being coraraitted by the Court of 
King's Bench, for a contempt, voUmtarily made 
oath, that he would never ansvirer interrogatories, 
unless he should be put to the torture. 



JUNIUS, 83 

half pay Avas given you by way of pension — 
I will not dwell upon the singnlarily of uniting 
in your own person two sorts of provision, 
which in their own nature, and in all military 
and parliamentary views, are incompatible; 
but 1 call upon you to justify that declaration, 
wherein you charge your sovereign with liav- 
ing done an act in your favour notoriously 
against law. The half pay, both in Ireland 
and England, is appropriated by parliament ; 
and if it be given to persons who, like you, 
are legally incapable of holding it, it is a 
breach of law. it would have been more de- 
cent in you to have called this dishonourable 
transaction by its true name ; a ;o&, to accom- ■ 
modale two persons, by particular interest and 
management at the castle. What sense must 
government have had of your services, when 
the rewards they have given you are only a 
disgrace to you. ' 

And now. Sir William, I shall take my leave 
of you for ever. Motives very different from 
any apprehension of }-our resentment, make 
it impossible you should ever know me. In 
truth you have some reason to hold yourself 
indt^-bted to me. From the lessons I have giv- 
en you, you may collect a profitable instruc- 
tion for your future life. They v^all either 
teach you so to regulate your futin-e conduct, 
as to be able to set the most malicious inqui- 
ries at defiance ; or if that be a lost hope, they 
will teach you prudence enough, not to attract 
the public attention to a character which will 
only pass witliout censure when it passes with- 
out observation.^' ' JUNIUS. 

* It has bren said, I believe truly, that it was sig- 
nified to Sir William Draper, as the request of Lord 
Grauby, that be should desist from writing in his 
lordsliip's defence. Sir William Draper certainly 
drew Junius fonvard to say more of Lord Granby 's 

C' M 



34 JUNIUS. 

LETTER VJII. 

To the Duke of Graf Ion. 

My Lord, March IS; 1769. 

Before you Avere placed at. the head of af- 
fairs, it had been a maxim of the English go- 
vernment, not unwillingly admitted by the peo- 
ple, that every ungracious or severe exertion 
of the prerogative should be placed to the ac- 
count of the minister; but, th^t w!]enever an 
act of grace or benevolence was to be per- 
formed, the whole merit of |t should be at- 
*^tributed to the sovereign himself.* It was a 

rharacter th^n he originally intended Hf? was re- 
duced to the dilemma, of either heing total! j' silen- 
ced, or of supporting his llr?t letter. Whether Sir 
■William had a riichtto reduce him to .this dilemma, 
or to call upon him for his name, after a voluntary 
ntt'.ick upon his side, arc qtiesilons submitted to tlie 
candour of the publir. The death of liord Gran- 
b.v was lamented by Junius. He nndouhtedly 
owed some compensation?' to i!ie public, and seem- 
ed determined to acquit himself of tiiem. In priv- 
ate life, ho was unquestionably that good man.who, 
for the interest of his country, ought to have been 
a great one. Bonum virum facile dixcris ; mng' 
num. iibcnter. I speak of him now without partial I- 
ity; 1 never spoke of him with resentment, iiis 
niistakes, in public conduct, did not arise either 
from want of sentiment, or want of judgment, but, 
in general, from the difficult}' of saying no to the 
bad people who surrounded him. 

As for the rest, the friends of Lord (^ranby should 
remember, that he liimself thouglit proper to con- 
demn, retract, and disavow, by a most solemn de- 
claration, in the House of Commons, that very sys- 
tem of political conduct which Junius had held 
forth to the disapprobation of the public. 

* Les rois ne se sont reservese que les graces. lis 
rcnvoient les condamnations vers lenrs officiers. 

Mmtesquieu, 



JUNUJS. 35 

^Wiso docfrliiP, my lord, ami equally r.dvj^nla- 
.<j;eo!J3 to the khi.';; and liis '^cbjerts ; for while 
it proscrved that su.-p'u.ious attciition with 
Avhich t!)e peoples ouidil always to ehaminc (lie 
conduct of rainisterHi, it leiideJ. at the sanio 
time, rather to incvcas^^ than diminish their 
nttachuient to ll)e pers^on of their sovereign. 
If tliore be not a ftitality attending every mea- 
sure yoii are coijcerncd in, ]»y\v!iut treachery, 
or by what excess of fijll)'', has it happened, 
that those ungracious act- which have distin- 
f^uisiied jjonr. a<iinini.v1r;ition, and v.hich, I 
donht not-, wen; eiitirr ly your own, should 
carry nith them a stroiig appearance of per- 
sonal Inlerest, and evi.-ii of personal enmity, 
in a quaiter Avhore no such iiiterest or oiimity 
rtui Ijq supj)osed to exist, without the highest 
injustice and tlie higlu^^t disho.Hjur ? On tke 
Vothcr hand, by what judicious itiaiiagement 
have you contrived it* tiiat tiie only act of 
mercy to whidi yju ever advised your sove- 
reign, far from adding to liie lustre of a char- 
acter truly gracious aiid lie'ievolent, should 
]>e receivcfj. with universal diir; pprobation and 
disgust? I shall consider it as d nnnisterial 
measr.re. because il is }::i on'o.;"? one; and as 
your m'-asr.re. w.y Lord Duke, because you 
are tiie ministi'r. 

As long a? the trial of this c];a:rmr.nv,as de- 
pending, it uas natur;d enougij thi-it govern- 
ment sliouid give him every pos|^ih}i^ encour- 
agement and support. The hoilouraLle se)-- 
vice for whicii he was lii/ed, i:\v.<} the spirit 
Avilh which i • ],erJ'<M"med it, made common 
cause between your grace aud liira. Tlie 
minister, who. i»y secret corruption, invades tho 
freedom of elections, juid the ri;fBan,who, liy 
open violence, destroys that freedom, are em- 
barkc'J in the same bottom ; tliey have the 
sau^e intc;\>sts, and mutually feel for each 



3(5 JUNIUS. 

other. To do justice to your Grace's humanity, 
you felt for M'Quirk as you ought to doj' 
and if you had been con'ented to assist him 
indirectly, without a notorious denial of jus- 
tice, or, openly insulting the sense of the na- 
tion, you might have seitislied every duty of 
political friendship, wltiiout cominiting the 
honour of your sovereign, or hazarding the 
reputation of his governoient. Bnt when this 
unhappy man had been solemnly tried, con- 
victed, and condemned ; v^^hen it appeared 
that he had been frequently employed in the 
same services, and that no excuse for him 
could be drawn, either from the innocence of 
diis former life, or the simplicity of his charac- 
ter ; was it not hazarding too much, to inter- 
pose the strength of the prerogative betu'een 
this felon aud the justice of his country?* 

* Whitehall, March 11, 1769. Ris majesty has 
been gi'aciously pleased lo extend his royal mercy 
to Edward iVi'Quirk, found guiily of the iruuderof 
George Clarke, as appears by iiis royal warrant, to 
IhiC tenor foUowiiig: 
CiE0R(3E II. 

Whereas a doubt had arisen in oiU" royal breast 
concerning the evidence of the death of George 
Clarice, from the- representation of Wiiliain Broom- 
{icid, Esq. surgeon, and Soiornon !?tnrljng, apothe- 
cary ; both of whom, as has been represented to 
us, attended the deceased before his death, and ex- 
pressed tiieir opinions that he did not die of tiie 
blow he received at Brentford ; And whereas it 
appears to ns, that neither of the said persons were 
produced as witnesses npon tlie trial, though (he 
said Solomon Stalling had been e:<aniined before 
the coroner; and the only person called to prove 
that the death of the said George Clarke was oc- 
casioned by the said blow, was Jolin Foot, surgeon, 
who never saw the deceased till after his death ; 
Wethonght thereppon to refer the said representa- 
tions, together with the report of the recorder of 
cur city of London, of the evidence given by Kich- 



JU^IUS. 87 

You ought to have known that an example of 
^ this sort was never so necessary as at present ; 
and certainly yon must liave known, that the 
lot could not have fallen upon a more guilty 
oljject. What system of government is this? 
You are perpetually complaining of the riot- 

nrd and Wiiliara Beale, and the said John Foot, on 
the trial of Edward Quirk, otherwise called Edward 
Kirk, otherwise called Edward M'Quirk, for the 
murder of the said Clarke, to the master, wardens, 
and the rest of tlie court of examiners of the sur- 
geon's company, commandins; tiiem likewise to take 
such farther examination of the said persons, so re- 
presenting, and of said John Foot, as they might 
think necessary, together with the premises above 
mentioned, to form and report to us their opinion, 
" Whether it did or did not appear to them, that 
"the said George Clarke died in consequence of 
" the blow he received in the riot at Brentford on 
tiie 18th of December last." And the said court 
of exaaiiners of the surgeon's company having 
thereupon reported to us tlieir opinion, — " that it 
" did not appear to them that he did ;" We have 
thought proper to extend our royal mercy to him 
the said Edward Quirk, otherwise Edward Kirk, 
olherwise called Edward M'Quirk, and to grant 
him our free i^ardon for the murder of the said 
George Clarke, of which he has been found guilty. 
f)ur will and pleasure, therefore, is. That he, tiie 
said Edward Quirk, otherwise calleH Edward Kirk, 
oliierwise called Edward M'Quirk, he iuseited,for 
the said murder, in our first and next general par- 
don that shall come out for the poor convicts of 
Kewgate, without any condition whatsoever; and 
that, in the mean time, you take bail for his ap- 
pearance, in order to plead our said pardon. And 
for so doing this shall he your warrant. 

Given at our court at St. James's, the tenth day 
of March, 1769, in tlie ninth year of our reign. 

By His Majesty's command, ROCHFORD. 
j^ To our trusty and well-beloved James Eyre, Esq. 

Recorder of our city of London, the Sheriffs of 

our said city and county of Middlesex, and all 

others whom it may coacern. 



3S JUNIUS. 

ous disposition of the lower class of people : 
yet, when the laws have given you the means 
of making- an example, in every sense unex- 
ceptionable, and by far the most likely to awe 
the multitude, you pardon the offence, and 
are not ashamed to give the sanction of go- 
vernment to the riots you complain of, and 
even to future murderers. You are partial, 
perhaps, to the military mode of execution ; 
and had rather see a score of these wretches 
butchered by the guards, than one of tiiem 
suffer death by raguiar course of la^v. How 
does it happen, my lord, tiiat, in your hand.-!, 
even the mercy of tlie prerogative is cruelty 
and oppression to the subject. 

The measure, it seems, was so extraordina- 
ry, that you thought it necessary to give some 
reasons i'or it to the public. Let them be fairly 
examined. 

1. You say that Messrs. Broorafidd aivl Star' 
ling were not examined at Al^ Quirk's tria'.. I 
will tell your grace why they wore not. They 
must have been examined upon oath ; and it 
was foreseen, that tlieir evidence would either 
not benefit, or might be prejndieial to the 
prisoner. Otherwise, is it conceivable that his 
counsel sliouid neglect to call in such material 
evidence ? 

2. You say, that Mr. Fool did not see the de- 
ceased until after his death. A surgeon, my 
lord, must know very little of his profession, 
if, upon examining a wound or a contusion, 
he cannot determine Avhether it was mortal or 
not. While the party is alive, a surgeon Aviil 
be cautious of pronouncing; whereas, by the 
death of the patient, he is enabled to consider 
both cause and eiFect at one view, and to 
speak with, a certainty confirmed by experi- 
ejice. . 

3. Yet we are to thank your ,.;gj'ac2 for the 



JUNIUS. 39 

^^ ftstablishment of a new tribunal . Your inqidsl- 
lio post viorlcm is unknown to the laws of Eng- 
land and does honour to your invention. The 
only material objection to it is, that if Mr. 
Foot's evidence Avas insufficient, because he 
did not examine the wound till after the death 
of the party, much less can a negative opinion, 
given by gentlemen who never saw tlie Ijody 
of Mr. Clarke, eitiier before or after his de- 
cease, authorize you to supercede the verdict 
of a jury, and the sentence of (he lavv% 

Nov.', nly lord, let rne ask you. Has it never 
occurcd to your grace, ^vhile you were Vv'illi- 
drawint^ this desperate wretch from that jus- 
tice which the laws had av>'arded, and wliicli 
the whole people of England demanded against 
him, that there is another man, who is {he fa- 
vourite of his country, whose pardon would 
have been accepted with i;ratitude, wliose par- 
don would have healed all our divisions? 
Have you quite forgotten that this inan was 
once your grace's friend? Or, is it to murrler- 
ers only that you will extend the mercy of the 
crown ? 

These arc questions you will not answer, 
nor is it necessary. Tlie character of your 
private life, and the uniform tenor of your 
public conduct, is an answer to them all. 

JUNIUS. 



LETTER IX. 

To his Grace Ihe Duke of Grafton. 

My Lord, April 10, 1769. 

*. I HAVE so good an opinion of your grace's 
discernment, that when the author of the vin- 
dication of your conduct assures us, that lie 



40 JUNIUS. 

writes from his own mere motiorij without the 
least authority from your grace, I should be, 
ready enough to believe him, but for one fatal 
mark, which seems to bo fixed upon every 
measure in which either your personal or po- 
litical character is concerned. Your lirst at- 
tempt to support Sir William Proctor ended in 
the election of Mr. Wilkes, the second ensur- 
ed success to Mr. Glynn. The extraordi- 
nary step you took to make Sir James Low- 
ther lord paramount of Cumberland, has ruin- 
ed his interest in that county for ever. The 
House List of Directors was cursed with the 
concurrence of governmenl; and even the mis- 
erable Dingley* could not escape the misfor- 
tune of your grace's protection. With this uni- 
form experience before us, we are authori- 
zed to suspect, that, when a pretended vindica- 
tion of your principles and conduct, in reality, 
contains the bitterest reflections upon both, it 
could not have been written without your im- 
mediate direction and assistance. The author, 
indeed, calls God to witness for him, with all 
the sincerity, and in the very terms of an Irish 
evidence, to the best of his knowledge and belief. 
My lord, you should not encourage these ap- 
peals to heaven. The pious princeVrora whom 
you are supposed to descend, made such fre- 
quent use of them in his public declarations, 
that, at last, the people also found it necessary 
to appeal to heaven in their turn. Your ad- 
ministration has driven us into circumstances 
of equal distress : beware, at least, how you re- 
mind us of the remedy. 

* This ianfortunate person has been persuaded by 
the Duke of Grafton to set up for Middlesf-x, his 
grace being deterniined to seat him in the House 
of Commons, if he had hut a single vote. It hap- ^ 
pened, unluckily that he could not prevdil upon 
one heehokler to put him ia nomina'tion. 



JUNIUS. 41 

You have already much to answer for. You 
•vhave provoked this unhappy gentleman to play 
the tool once more in public life, in spite of his 
years and infirmities; and to show us, that, as 
you yourself are a singular instance of youth 
without spirit, the man who defends you is a 
no less remarkable example of age without the 
benefit of experience. To follow such a wri- 
ter, minutely, would, like his own periods, be 
labour without end. The subject too has been 
already discussed, and is sufficiently under- 
stood. I cannot help observing, however, 
that wlien the pardon ofM'Quirk was the prin- 
cipal charge against you, it would have been 
but a decent compliment to your grace's un- 
derstanding, to have defended you upon your 
own principles. What credit does a man de- 
serve, who tells us plainly, that the facts set 
forth in the kings proclamation were not the 
true motives on which the pardon was granted .' 
And that he wishes that those chirurgical re- 
ports, which first gave occasion to certain 
doubts in the royal breast, had not been laid 
before his majesty? You see, my lord, that 
even your friends cannot defend your actions, 
without changing your principles ; nor justify 
a deliberate measure of government, without 
contradicting the main assertion on which it 
was founded. 

The conviction of M'Quirk had reduced you 
to a dilemma in which it was hardly possible 
for yon to reconcile your political interest 
with your duty You were obliged either to 
abandon an active, useful partizan, or to pro- 
tect a felon from public justice. With your 
usual spirit, you pniferred your interest to ev- 
ery other consideration; and, with your usual 
^iudgment, you founded your determination 
upon the only motives which should not have 
keen given to the public. 



43 ^ JUlNlUS. 

I have frequently censured Mr. Wilkes's 
conduct, yet your advocate reproaches me'^ 
with having devoted myself to the service of 
sedition. Your ti;race can best inform us for 
vvliich of Mr. Wilkes's good qualities you lirst 
honoured him with your friendsiiip; or liovv 
long It was before you discovered those bad 
ones in iiim, at which, it seems, your delicacy 
was oifended. Remember, my lord, that you 
continued yoin* connexion with Mr. Wilkes, 
long after he had been convicted of those 
crimes, Avhicb you have since taken pains to 
represent in the blackest colours of blasphe- 
my and treason. How unlucky it is, tliat the 
first instance you have given us of a scrupu- 
lous regard to decorum, is united with a breacli 
of a moral obligation ! For my own part, my 
lord, I am proud to affirm, that if I liad been 
weak enough to form such a iriendship, I 
would never have been base enough to betray 
it. But let Mr. Wilkes's character be what it 
may, this, at least, is certain, that, circum- 
sanced as he is, with regard to the public, 
even his vices plead for him. The people of 
England have too miich discernment to sutFer 
your grace to take advantage of the failings 
of a private character, to establish a precedent 
by w^liich the public liberty is aiiVcted, and 
which you may hereafter, with equal ease and 
satisfaction, employ to the ruin of the best men 
in the kingdom. Content yourself, my lord, 
Avith the many advantages whicii tiie unsullied 
purity of your own character has given you 
over your unhappy, deserted friend. Avail 
yourself of all the unforgiving piety of the 
court you live in, and bless God that '<you are 
" not as other men are; extortioners, unjust, 
" adulterers, or even as this publican.'"' In a 
heart void of feeling, the laws of honour and** 
good faith may be violated with imj.umty, and 



JUNIUS. 43 

Uicreyouma,y safely indulge yoTirgeuius. But 
•^lie laws of England shall not be violated, even 
by your holy zeal to oppress a sinner; and, 
though you have succeeded in making him a 
tool, you shall not make him tiie victim of 
your ambition. JUiNJUS. 



LETTER X. 

To Mr, Edward WcsLon. 
Sir, April 21, 1769. 

I SAID you were an old man without the ben- 
efit of experience. It seems you are also a vo- 
lunteer, with the stipend of twenty commis- 
sions ; and at a period when all prospects are 
at an end, you are still looking forward to re- 
wai'ds which you cannot enjoy. Ino man is 
better acquainted virith the bounty of govern- 
ment than you are : 

Ton impiide.me, 

Temeraire vieillard, aura sarecompence. 

But I will not descend to an altercation ei- 
ther with the impotence of your age, or the 
peevishness of your diseases. iTour pamphlet, 
ingenious as it is, has been so little read, that 
the public cannot know how far you have a 
right to give me the lie, without the following 
citation of your own words: 

Page 6th. "1. That he is persuaded that 
" the motives which he (Mr. Weston) has al- 
" ledged, must appear fully suilicient, with or 
without the opinions of the surgeons. 

" 2. That those very motives must have been 
" the foundation on which the Earl of Roch- 
^brd thought proper, &,c. ^ 

<' 3. That he cannot but regret f that the Eaii 



41 JUNTUS 

*' of Rochford seems to have tliought proper , 
" to lay the chirurgical reports before the 
" King, in preference to all the other sufficient 
motives," &c. 

Let the public determine whether this be de- 
fending government on their principles or 
your ow^n. 

The style and language you have adopted 
are, I confess, not ill suited to the elegance of 
your own manners, or to the dignity of the 
cause you have undertaken. Every common 
dauber writes rascal and villain under his pic- 
tures, because the pictures themselves have 
neither character nor resemblance. But the 
works of a master require no index ; his fea- 
tures and colouring are taken from nature ; 
the impression they make is immediate and 
uniform : nor is it possible to mistake his cha- 
racters, whether they represent the treachery 
of a Minister, or the abused simplicity of a 
King. JUNIUS. 



LETTER XL 

To his Grace the Duke of Grafton, 

My Lokd, April 24, 1769. 

The system you seemed to have adopted 
when Lord Chatham unexpectedly left you at 
the head of affairs, gave us no promise of that 
uncommon exertion of vigour which has since 
illustrated your character, and distinguished 
your administration. Far from discovering a 
spirit bold enough to invade the first rights of 
the people, and the first principles of the con- 
stitution, you were scrupulous of exercising^^ 
even those powers with which the executive 
branch of the legislature is legally invested. 



JUNIUS. 45 

\Vc have not yot forgotten bow long Mr. 
Wilkes was suffered to appear at large, nor 
liow long he was at liberty to canvass for the 
city and county, with alltheterrorsof an out- 
lawry hanging over him. Our gracious Sove- 
reign has not yet forgotten the extraordinary 
care you took of his dignity, and of the safety 
of his person, when at a crisis which courtiers 
affected to call alarming, you left the metropo- 
lis exposed, for two nights together, to every 
species of riot and disorder. The security of 
the royal residence from insult was then suffi- 
ciently provided for in Mr. Conway's firm- 
ness, and Lord Weymouth's discretion ; while 
tile Prime Minister of Great Britain, in a rural 
retirement, and in the arms of faded beauty, 
had lost all memory of his Sovereign, his coun- 
tiy, and himself. In these instances you Ynight 
have acted with vigour, for you would have 
had the sanction of the laws to support you. 
The friends of government might have de- 
fended you without shame ; and moderate men, 
who wish well to the peace and good order of 
society, might have had a pretence for ap- 
plauding your conduct. But these, it seems, 
were not occasions worthy of your Grace's 
interposition. You reserved the proofs of your 
intrepid spirit for trials of greater hazard and 
importance; and now, as if the most disgrace- 
ful relaxation of the executive authority had 
given you a claim of credit to indulge in ex- 
cesses still more dangerous, you seem deter- 
mined to compensate amply for your former 
negligence, and to balance the non-execution 
of the laws with a breach of the constitution. 
From one extreme you suddenly start to the 
^other, without leaving, between the weakness 
and the fury of the passions, one moment's in- 
terval for the firmness of the understanding. 
These observations, general ns they sre, 



45 JUNIUS. 

might easily be extended into a faithful history 
of your Grace's administration, and perhaps 
may be the employment of a future hour. But 
the business of the present moment will not 
suffer me to look back to a series of events 
which cease to be interesting or important, 
because they are succeeded by a measure so 
singularly daring, that it excites all our atten- 
tion, and engrosses all our resentment. 

Your patronage of Mr. Luttrell has been 
crowned with success. With this precedent 
before you, with the principles on which it 
was established, and w^ith a future House of 
Commons, perhaps less virtuous than the pre- 
sent, eveiy county in England, under the au- 
spices of tiie treasury, may be represented as 
completely as the county of Mlddleses. Pos- 
terity will be indebted to your Grace for not 
contenting yourself with a temporary expe- 
dient, but entailing upon them the immediate 
blessings of your administration. Boroughs 
were already too much at the raercy of go- 
vernment. Counties could neither be purchased 
nor intimidated. But their solemn determined 
election may be rejected ; and the man they 
detest may be appointed by another choice, 
to represent them in Parliament. Yet it is ad- 
mitted, that the Sheri(i''s obeyed the laws, and 
performed their duty.-- The return they made 
must have been legal and valid, or undoubtr 
edly they would have been censured, for 
making it. With every good natured allow- 
ance for your Grace's youth and inexperience, 
there are some things which you cannot but 
know. You cannot but knov.^, that the right 
of the freeholders to adhere to their choice 

* Sir Fletcher Norton, when it was proposed t(^ 
punish the SherifTe, declared in the House of Com- 
mons, tlaat they, in returning Mr. Wilkes, haddpne 
.BO more than their duty. 



JUNlug. 47 

(oven '■Jipposiiig it improperly exerted) was as 
clear fiiui indispulnlitc as that of the House of 
Cpnimons to exclude one of their own mem- 
bers. Nor is it possible for yon not to see the 
wide distance tliere is between the negative 
])ower of rejecting one man, and the positive 
power of appointing another. The right of 
expnlsion, in the most favourable sense, is no 
more than the custom of Parliament. The right 
of election is the very essence of the consti- 
tution. To violate tliat right, and much more 
to tnuisfcr it to any other set of men, is a step 
leading immediately to the dissolution of all 
government. So far forth as it operates, it 
constitutes a House of Commons which does 
not represent the people. A House of Com- 
mons so lT>rmed would involve a contradic- 
tion, and the grossest confusion of ideas : but 
tlicre are soine Ministers, my Lord, whose 
Aiews can only be answered by reconciling 
absurdities, and making the same proposition, 
which is false and absurd in argument, true in 
fact. 

This measure, my Lord, is however, attend- 
ed with one conse(juence favourable to the, 
people, which I ^!m persuaded you did not 
ioi-o.-co * While the contest lay between the" 
.Ministry and Mr. Wilkes, Ids situation and 
private character gave you advantages over 
liim, which common cando^n-, if notthe memo- 
ry of your former friendship, should have for- 
bidden you to make use of. To religious men, 
you had an opportunity of exaggerating tlie 
irregularities of his past life ; to moderate men, 
you held forlh the parnicions consequences of 
faction. Men, who w'lth thi- character, looked 
*/iio fartherthan to tlie aj^ject before them, Avere 
not di'jsatisSed at seeing Mr. Wilkes excluded 
from Pailiamcnt. You haVe now taken care 

* TliC reader is desired to mark this prophecj. 



43 JUNIUS. 

to shift the question ; or rather, you^have cre-*^ 
ated a new one, in which Mr. Wilkes is no 
more concerned than any other English gen- 
tleman. You have united this country against 
you on one grand constitutional point, on the 
decision of which our existence, as a free peo- 
ple, absolutely depends. You have asserted, 
not in words, but in fact, that the representa- 
tion in Parliament does not depend upoft the 
choice of the freeholders. If such a case can 
possibly happen once, it may happen fre- 
quently: it may happen always: and if three 
hundred votes, by any mode of reasoning 
Avhatever, can prevail against twelve hundred, 
the samip reasoning would equally have given 
Mr. Luttrell his seat with ten votes, or even 
with one. The consequences of this attack 
upon the constitution are too plain and palpa- 
ble not to alarm the dullest apprehension. I 
trust you will find that the people of England 
are neither deficient in spirit nor understand- 
ing ; though you have treated them as if they 
had neither sense to feel, nor spirit to resent. 
We have reason to thank God and our ances- 
tors, that there never yet was a Minister in this 
country who could stand the issue of such a 
conflict; and, with every prejudice in favour 
of your intentions, I see no such abilities in 
your Grace, as should enable you to succeed 
in an enterprise, in which the ablest and basest 
of your predecessors have found their destruc- 
tion. You may continue to deceive your gra- 
cious master with false representations of the 
temper and condition of his subjects. You 
may command a venal vote, because it is the 
common established appendage of your office. 
But never hope that the freeholders will make, 
a tame surrender of theSr rights; or, that an 
English army will join Avith you in overturn- 
ing the liberties of their country. They know. 



JUNIUS. 49 

lliat thfar first duty, as citizens, is paramount' 
to all subsequent engagements ; nor will they 
prefer the discipline, or even the honc/urs of 
their profession, to those sacred original rights 
which belonged to them before they were sol- 
diers, and which they claim and posses as the 
birthright of Englishmen 

Return, my Lord, before it be too late, to 
that easy, insipid system which you first set 
out with. Take back your mistress* The 
name of friend may be fatal to her, for it leads 
to treachery and persecution Indulge the peo- 
ple. Attend New-Market. Mr Luttrell may 
again vacate his seat ; and Mr Wilkes, if not 
persecuted, will soon be forgotten "to be. 
weak and inactive, is safer than to be daring 
and criminal : and wide is the distance be- 
tween a riot of the populace and a convulsion 
of the w^iole kingdom You may live to iTrake 
the experiment, but no honest man can wish 
vou should survive it. JUJNIUS. 



LETTER XIL 

To his Grace ike Duke of Grafton. 

My Lord, May 30, 1760. 

If the measures in which you have been 
most successful had been supyorted by any 
tolerable appearance of argument, I should 
have Inought my time not ill employed in con- 

* The Duke, al.ont this time, had separated 
himself from Anne Parsons ; but proposed to con- 
tiniie united with her on some piatonic tcms of 
frieudsliip, which she icjt?c{td with conteirpt His 
^"baseness to this woman is bevond description, or 
belief. 

D 



50 JDINMUS. 

llnuingto examine your conduct as a Minis- 
ter, and stating it fairly to the public. But 
when I see questions of the highest national-" 
importance carried as they have been, and the 
first principles of the constitution openly vio- 
latesi, without argument or decency, I confess 
I give up the cause in despair. The meanest 
of your predecessors had abilities suflicient to 
give a colour to their measures. Iftliey in- 
vaded the rights of the people, they did not 
dare to offer a direct insult to their understand- 
ing ; and, in former times, the most venal Par- 
liaments made it a condition in their bargain 
with the Minister, that he should furnish them 
with some plausible pretences for selling their 
country and themselves. You have had the 
merit of introducing a more compendious sys- 
tem of government and logic. You neither 
address yourself to the passions, norto the un- 
derstanding, but simply to the touch. You ap- 
ply yourself immediately to the feelings of your 
friends ; who, contrary to the forms (rf Parlia- 
ment, never enter heartily into a debate until 
they have divided. 

r Relinquishing, therefore, all idle views of 
amendment to your Grace, orof benefit to the 
public, let me be permitted to consider your 
character and conduct, merely as a subject of 
curious speculation. There is something in 
both which distinguishes you, not only from 
all other Ministers, but all other men. It is 
not that yon do wrong by design, but that you 
should never do right by mistake. It is not 
that your indolence and your activity have 
been ecjually misapplied, but thatthe firstuui- 
form principle, or, if I may call it, the genius 
of your life, should have carried you through 
every possible change and contradiction of 
conduct, without the momentary imputation 
Or colour of a virtue ; and thatthe wildest spi-W^ 



JUNIUS. 51 

i'it of inconsistencyshould never have once be- 
trayed you into a wise or honourable ucfion. 
This I own, g;ives an air of slnf^ularity to yuur 
fortune, as well as to your disposition. Let us 
look back together, to a scene, in which a mind 
like yours will find nothing to re|.erit of. Let 
us try, njy Lord, how^ weil you have;-up},orted 
the various relations in which you siooci to 
your Sovereign, your country, your friends, 
and yourself Give us, if it be possiljlc, some 
excuse to posterity, and to o'jnelvef,. for sub- 
mitting to your admniistrstiori. if not the abil- 
ities of a great Mini&ter, if not the integrity of 
a patriot, or the fidelity of a Irlend, show he, 
at least, the firmness of a man. For the sake 
of your mistress, the lover si^all I;e spared, f ' 
will not lead her itito [ublic asyouhuve done; 
nor will 1 insult the memory cf departed beau- 
ty. Her sex, w hicb alone made her amiable 
in your eyes, makes her respectable in mine. 
The chan-cter of tiie re} nted ancestors of 
some riien, has made it possible lur their de- 
scendants to be vicious in the eMreme, with- 
out being degenerate. Those of your Gracej 
for instance, lelt no distressing e>;an j)lrs of 
virtue even to their legitimate posterity. i:nd 
you may look back with })leasure to ai,. illus- 
trious pedigree, in which heraldry has not left 
a single good quality upon record to insuU or 
upbra'd you. You have better proofs of your 
descent, my Lord, than the register of a myr- 
raige, or any troublesome inheritance of repu- 
tation. There are some hereditary strokes of 
character, by which a family maybe as clear- 
ly distinguished, as by the blackest ft-L^tures of 
the human face Charles the First lived and 
died a hypocrite. Charles the Second was a 
hypocrite of another sort, and should have 
^died upon the same scattbld. At the distance 
of a century, we see their different characters 
happily revived and blended in your Grace.- 



52 JUNIUS. 

Sullen and severe, without religloi), profli- 
gate without gaiety, you live like Charles the 
Second, without being an imiable companion ; 
and for aught I know, may die as his lather 
did, without the reputation of a martyr. 

You had already taken your degrees with 
credit, in those schools in which the English 
nobility are formed to virtue, when you were 
introduced to Lord Chatham's protection*. 
From Newmarket, White's, and the opposition, 
he gave you to the world w^ith an air of popu- 
larity, which young men usually set out with, 
and seldom preserve : grave and plausible 
enough to be thought fit for business ; too young 
for treachery ; and, in short, a patriot of no un- 
promising expectations. Lord Cliatham was 
the earliest object of your political wonder 
and attachment; yet you deserted him, upon 
the first hopes that offered of an unequal share 
of power with Lord Rockingl}am. When the 
late Duke of Cumberland's first negociation 
failed, and when the favourite w^as pushed to 
tiie last extremity, you saved him, by joining- 
with an administration, in which Lord Chat- 
ham had refused to engage. Still, however, 
lie was your friend: and you are yet to ex- 
plain to the world, why you consented to act 
without Inra ; or why, after uniting with Lord 
Rockingham, you deserted and betrayed him. 
You complained, that no measures were taken 
to satisfy your patron ; and that your friend, 
Mr, W^ilkes, who had suffered so much for the 
party, had been abandoned to his fate. They 
have since contributed, not a little, to your 
present plenitude of power ; yet, I think. Lord 
Chatham has less reason than ever to be satis- 

* To understand thei:e pafjsagcs, the reader is re- 
ferred to a noted pamphlet, called, the, History of, 
the Minority, "^ 



JUNIUS. 53 

iVed : and, as for Mr. Wilkes, it is, perhaps, the 
greatest misfortune of liis life, that you should 
* have so many compensations to make in the 
closet for your former friendship with him. 
Your gracious master understands your char- 
acter, and makes you a persecutor because 
you hav^e been a friend. • 

Lord Chatham formed his last administra- 
tion upon principles which you certainly con- 
curred in, or you could never have been pla- 
ced at the head of the treasury. By deserting 
those principles, or by acting in direct con- 
tradiction to them, in which he found you 
were secretly supported in the closet, you 
soon forced him to leave you to yourself, and 
to withdraAV his name from an administra- 
tion which had been formed on the credit of 
it. You had then a prospect of friendships 
better suited to your genius, and more likely 
to fix your disposition. Marriage is the point 
on which every rake is stationary at last; and 
truly, my Lord, you may well be w'eary of 
the circuit you have taken ; for you have now 
fairly travelled through every sign in the politi- 
cal zodiac, from the scorpion, in which you 
stung Lord Chatham, to the hopes of a virgin* 
in the liouse of Bloomsbury. One would think 
that you had had sufficient experience of tlie 
frailty of nuptual engagements, or, at least, 
that such a friendship, as the Duke of Bedford's 
might have been secured to you by the auspi- 
cious marriage of your late Uuchesst with his 
nephew. Bnt ties of this tender nature can- 
not be drawn too close; and it may possibly 
be a part of the Duke of Bedford's ambition', 

* Flis Grace had lately married Miss Wrottesly, 
niece of the good Gertrude, Duchess of Bedford. 

f Mi^^s Liddel, after her divorce from the Duke, 
' married Lord Ujiper Ossory, 



54 JUNtUS. 

after making her an honest women, to work a 
miracle of tiie same sort upon your Grace. 
This worthy nobleman has long dealt in A'ir- 
tue : there has been a large consumption of it 
in his own family; and, in the way of traffic, 
I dare say, he has bought and sold more than 
half the representative integrity of the nation. 

In a political view, this union is not impru- 
dent The favour of princes is a perishable 
commodity You have now a strength suffi- 
cient, to command the closet, and if it be ne- 
cessary to betray one friendship more, you 
may se{ even Lord Bute at defiance- Mr. 
Stewart M'Kenzie may possibly remember 
what use the Duke of Bedford usually makes 
of his power; and our a;racious Sovereign, I 
dou!)t not, rejoices at this first appearance of 
union among his servants. Hi? late M.^jesty, 
under the nappy induenceof afamily connex- 
ion between his ministers, was relieved from 
the cares of the government. A more active 
prince may, perhaps, observe with suspicion, 
by what degrees an ar^fu! servant grows upon 
his master, from the first unlimited professions 
of duty and attachment, to the painful repre- 
sent ition of the necessity of the royal service, 
and soon, in regular progression, to the hum- 
ble insolence of di itating in all the obsequious 
forms of peremptorv submission. The inter- 
val is carefully employed in forming connex- 
ions, creating interests, collecting a party, and 
laying the foundation of double marriages ; un- 
til the deluded [)rince, who thought he had 
found a creature prostituted to his service, and 
insignificant enough to be always dependent 
upon his pleasure, finds him, at last, too strong 
to be commanded, and too formidable to be 
removed. 

Yoiir Grace's public conduct, as.j& MinisteEj 
h but the counter part of Vour privat-e history i 



JUNIUS. 55 

flie same inconsistency, the same contradicr 
tioiis. In America we trace you, from the 

•*lirst opposition to (lie stamp act, on jtrinciples 
ot" convenience, to Mr. Pitt's surrender olthe 
right; then forward to Lord R()cku)o;ham's snr- 
reruler of tlie fact; then hack again to Ltn'd 
Rockinjrliam's declaration of the ri^ht ; then 
forward to taxation svith Mr. Townshend ; and, 
in tiie last instance, from the i;;entie Conv\ ay's 
nndetcrminjd discretion, to hJood and com- 
pulsion with the Diike (if Bedford: yet, if we 
may believe the simplicity of Lord North's elo- 
<]uence, at the o[)enini; o( the next session, you 
are once more to be the patron of America. 
Is this the wisdom of a gre^t Minister ; or is it 
the ominous vibration of a ])cndulum? Had 
you no opinion of your own, my Lord? Or 
was it the gratification of !)etruying every pai*- 
1y, with which you have been united, and of 
deserting every ])ol!licaI principle in which 
you had concurred ? 

Your enemies tnay turn their eyes without 
regret from this admirable system of provincial 
government. They will find gratiiicatioii 
enough in the survey of your domestic and fo- 
reign policy. 

If, instead of disowning Lord Shelburn, the 
British court had interposed with dignity and 
fu-mness, you know, my Lord, that Cornea 
would never have been invaded. The French 
saw the weakness of a distracted ministry, and 
were justified in treating you with contempt. 
They wouKl probably have yielded, in the first 
instance, ratherthan hazard arupture with this 
country ; but, being once enga,i;ed, they can- 
not retreat without dishonour Common sense 
foresees consequences which have escaped 
your Grace's penetration. Either we suiter (he 
French to imike an acquisition, the importance 

T-^nf which you have probably no conception of, 



56 JUNIUS. 

or we oppose them by an underhand manage- 
ment, which only disgraces us iii the eyes of 
Europe, without answering any purpose of ' 
policy or prudence. From secret, indirect 
assistance, a transition to some more open, de- 
cisive measures, becomes unavoidable ; till, at 
last, we find ourselves principal in the war, 
and are obliged to hazard every thing lor an 
object which might have originally been ob- 
tained without expense or danger. I am not 
versed in the [lolities of the north ; but this I 
believf, is certain, that half the money you 
have distributed to carry the expulsion of Mr. 
Wilkes, or even your secretary's share in the 
last sabscription, would have kept the Turks 
at your devotion . Was it economy, my Lord .-' 
Or, did the coy resistance you have constantly 
met with in the British senate, make you des- 
pair oi corrupting the divan ? Your friends, 
indeed, have the first claim upon your bounty : 
but if £500 a year can be spared in pension to 
sir Joiin Vloore, it would not have disgraced 
you to have allowed something to the secret 
service of the jmblic. 

You will say, perhaps, that the situation of 
affairs at home demanded and engrossed the 
whole of your attention. Here, I confess, you 
have been active. An amiable, accomplished 
prince, ascends the throne under the happiest 
of all auspices, the acclamations and united af- 
fections of h'S subjects. The first measures of 
his reign, and even the odium of a favourite, 
were not able to shake their attachment Your 
.services, my Lord, have been more successful. 
Since you were permitted to take the lead, 
we have seen the natural effects of a system 
of government at once both odious and con- 
temptible We have seen the laws sometimes 
scandah>usly relaxed, sometimes violently 
Stretched beyond their tone. We have seen 



JUMU^. 57 

the person oftlie Sovereign insulted; and, in 
prot'omul peace, and with an undisputed title, 
the lidelity of his subjects brought by his own 
servants into public question.** Without abili- 
ties, resolution, or interest, you have done 
more than lord Bute could accomplish, vvilli 
all Scotland at his heels. 

Your Grace, little anxious, perhaps, cither 
for present or future reputation, will not de- 
sire to be handed down in these colours to 
posterity. You have reason to flatter yourself, 
that the memory of your administration Avill 
survive even the forms of a constitution, which 
om* ancestors vainly hoped would be immor- 
tal ; and, as for your personal character, I will 
not, for the honour of human nature, suppose 
that you can wish to have it remembcre'd. 
The condition of the present times is despe- 
rate indeed; but there is a debt due to those 
who come after us, and it is the historians of- 
licc to punish, though he cannot correct. 1 do 
not give you to posterity, as a pattern to im- 
itate, but as an example to defer; and as your 
conduct comprehends every thing that a wise 
or honest Minister should avoid, I mean to 
rnHKc yon a negative instruction to your suc- 
cessors forever. JUINIUS. 

*The wise Duke, about this time, exerted all the 
iiifltiGnce of government to procure addiegscs to sa- 
tisiy the Kin;: of the fidelity o( his subjects, They 
came in very tliick from Scotland^ but after the ap- 
i)earance of this letter, we heard no more of them. 



D2 



58 JUxNIUS. 

LETTER Xni. 

Jiddremd to iJie Printer of the Public Adverlistr. 

Sir, June 12, 1769. 

The Duke of Grafton's friends not finding 
it convetiient to enter into a contest \vitli Ju- 
nius, ;ire now reduced to the last melancholy 
Fesourse of defeated argument, the Hat general 
charge of scurility and falsehood. As for his 
stjie, I shall leave it to the critics. Thetnilli 
of h;s facts is of more importance to the public. 
They are of such a nature that I Uiink a bare 
contradiction will have no weight with any 
s)rtau who judges for himself. Let us take them 
in t'le order in which they appear in his last 
letter. 

1. Have not the first rights of the people, 
and the first principles of the constitution, 
been openly invaded, and the very name of 
an election made redicidous, by the arbitrary 
sppoinltnent of Mr Luttrell ? 

2. Did not tiie Duke of Grafton frequently 
lead liis mistress into public, and even place 
her at the head of his table, as if he had pulled 
down an ancient temple of Venus, and could 
bury ail decency and shame under the ruins? 
Is this the man who dares to talk of Mr. Wilkes's 
morals? 

3. I- not the character of his presumptive 
ancestors as strongly marked in him, as if he 
bad descended from them in a direct legiti- 
mate line ? Tiie idea of iiis deatli is only pro- 
phetic ; and what is prophecy but a narrative 
preceding the fact ? 

4. Was not Lord Chatham the first who 
raised him to the rank and post oi a Minister^ 
and the first whom he abandoned ? 

5. Did he not join with Lord Rockingham,*" 
-and betray him? 



fi. Was lie not the bosom friend of Mr. 
AVilkps, whom he iiovv i)ijrsues to destriiction ? 

7. Did he not take Ins degrees with credit 
at iNewmarket, U'hite's and the opposition ? 

8. After deserting Lord Chatham's iirinci- 
ples, and sacririeing his friendship, is he not 
now closely united with a set of men, who, 
thou.';i> they have occasionally joined with all 
parties, have in every dill'erent situation, and 
al all times, been equally and constantly de- 
tested by this country ? 

9. Huj not Sir Joiin Moore a pension of five 
lunuircd pounds a year? This may probabJv 
be a!i acquilt'-nce of favours upon the turi ; 
but, is it possible for a Minister to otler a gross- 
er outrage to a nation, which has so very lately 
cleared away the beggary of the civil list, at 
the expense of more than half a million? 

10. is there any one mode of thinking or 
acting, w^itii respect to America, which the 
Duke of Grafton has not successively adopted 
and abandoned ? 

11. Is there not a singular mark of shame 
set u{)on this man, who has so little delicacy 
and feeling, as to submit to the opprobrium of 
juiirrying a near relation of one who had de- 
bauched his wite ? In the name of decency, 
liow are these amiable cousins to meet ?it 
their uncle's table ? Jt will be a scene in 
tEdipus., Avithout the distress. Is it wealth, or 
wit, or beauty ? Or, is the amorous youth m 
love? 

The rest is notorious. That Corsica has 
been sacririced to the French; that, in some 
instances, the laws have been scandalously 
relaxed, and, in others, daringly violated ; and 
tliat the King's subjects have been called upon 
to assure him of their fidelity, in spite of the 
measures of his servants. 

A writer who builds his arguments upon 
f 



my 

m JUNIUS. 

facts, such as these, is not easily to be coq- 
fut4^d. He is not to be answered by geHeral 
assertions, or general reproaches. He may 
want eloquence to l muse and persuade ; butj 
speaking truth, he must always convince. 

PHILO JUJNIUS. 



LETTER XIV. 

Addressed to the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

Sir, June 22, 1769. 

"The name of Old JVoU is destined to be the 
ruin of the house of Stuart There is an omi- 
nous fatality in it, which even the spurious de- 
scendants of the family cannot escape. Olivej? 
Cromwell had the merit of conducting Charles 
the First to the block. Your correspondent, 
Old JVoll, appears to have the same design 
upon the Duke of Grafton. His arguments 
consist better with the title he has assumed, 
than with the principles he professes: for 
though he pretends to be an adv^ocate for the 
Duke, he takes care to give us the best reason 
why his patron should regularly follow the 
fate of his presumptive ancestor. Through 
the whole course of the Duke of Grafton's 
life, I see a strange endeavour to unite con- 
tradictions which cannot be reconciled. He 
marries, to be divorced ; he keeps a mistress, 
to remind him of conjugal endearments; and 
he chooses such friends as it is a virtue in him 
to desert. If it were possible for the genius of 
that accomplished president, who pronounced 
iientence upon Charles the First, to be revived ^ 



JUNIUS. 61 

in some modern sycophant,* his Grace, I doubt 
not, Avould by sympathy discover him among 
the dregs of mankind, and take him for a guide 
in those paths which naturally conduct a 
Minister to the scaft'old. 

The assertion, that two-thirds of the nation 
approve of the acceptance of Mr. Luttrell (for 
even Old JS'oil is too modest to call it an elec- 
tion) can neither be maintained nor confuted 
by argument. It is a point offset, on which 
every English gentleman will determine for 
himself. As to lawyers, their profession is sup- 
ported by the indiscriminate defence of right 
and .wrong; and I confess I have not that 
opinion of their knowledge or integrity, to 
think it necessary that they should decide for 
me upon a plain constitutional question. With 
respect to the appointment of Mr. Luttrell, the 
Chancellor has never yet given any authentic 
opinion Sir Fletcher Norton is, indeed, an 
l)onest, a very honest man ; and the Attorney- 
General is ex-offuio the guardian of liberty ; to 
take care, I presume, that it shall never break 
out into a criminal excess. Doctor Blackstone 
is Solicitor to the Queen, The Doctor re- 
collected that he had a place to preserve, 
though, he forgot that he had a reputation to 
lose. We have now the good fortune to un- 
derstand the Doctor's principles as well as 
writings. For the defence of truth, of law, 
and reason, the Doctors book may be safely 
consulted: but whoever wishes to cheat a 
neighbour of his estate or to rob a country of 
its rights, need make no scruple of consulting 
the Doctor himself 

The example of the English nobility may, 
for aught I know, sufficiently justify the Duke 
of Grafton, when he indulges his genius in all 

* It is hardly necessary to remind the reader of 
the name of Bradshaw. 



62 JUxMUS. 

the fashionable excesses of the age ; yet, con- 
sidering hh rank and station, 1 think it would 
do hiiB more honour to be able to deny the ^ 
fact, tiian to defend it by such authority. But 
if vice itself could be excused, there is yet a 
certain dibpiay of it, a certain outrage to de- 
cency, and violation of public decorum, which, 
for the benefit of society, sliould never be for- 
given. It is not that he kept a mistress at 
home, but that he constantly attended her 
abroad. It is not the private indulgence, but 
the public insult, of which 1 complain. The 
name of Miss Parsons would hardly have been 
known, if the iirst Lord of the Treasury had 
not led her, in triumph, through the Opera 
House, even in the presence of the Queen. 
When we see a man act in this manner, we 
may admit the shamelcvss depravity of his 
heart ; but what are w'e to think of his under- 
standing ? 

tlis Grrace, it seems, is now to be a regular, 
domestic man; and, as an omen of the tuture 
delicacy and correctness of his conduct, he 
marries a Iirst cousin of the man who had fixed 
that mai-kand title of infamy upon him, which, 
at the same moment, makes a husband un- 
Ijappy and ridiculous, 'J'he tics of consan- 
guinity may possibly preserve him from the 
same fate a second lime; and as to the dis- 
tress of meeting, I take for granted, the vene- 
rable uncle of these common cousins has set- 
tled the etiquette in such a manner, that if a 
mistake should happen, it may reach no further 
than from Madame mafcmnie, to Mudiunit ma 
cousine. 

The Duke of Grafton has always some ex- 
cellent reason for deserting his friends." The 
age ail d incapacity of Lord Chatham, the de- 
bility of Lord Rockingham, or tlie infamy of 
IVtr, Wilkes. There was a time, indeed, ^^heQ k, 



JUNIUS. 6^ 



lie did not appear to be quite so well ac- 
quainted, or so violeuUy otiendcd, with the 
^'inlirmitics of his iriends. But now I contV-ss 
they are not ill exchan'^ed for the youlhl'ul, 
vigorous virtue of the Duke of Bedford ; tne 
firmness of General Conway ; thr; Ijhint, or, if 
I may call it, the awkward integrity of Mr. 
Rigby; and the spotless morality of Lord 
Sandwich. 

If a late pension to a* broken gambler be 
an act worthy of commendation, the Duke of 
Grafl«j>u's connexions will furnish him with 
many opportuuiiies of doing praise-woilhy 
actions; and as lie himself bears no part of 
the expense, the generosity of distributing the 
pui)iic money for the supportof virtuous fami- 
lies in distress, will be an unquestionable ^iroof 
of his Grace's humanity. 

As to public affairs, Old JVoll is a little ten- 
der of descending to particulars. Me does not 
deny that Corsica has been sacrificed to France ; 
and he confesses that, with regard to America, 
his patron's measures have been suljject to 
some variation : buttlien he promises wonders 
of stability and tirmness for the future, i hose 
are mysteries, of which we must not pretend 
to judge by experience ; and, truly, I fear, \\e 
shall perish in the desert, before we arrive at 
the laud of prouiise. In the regular «;o!irse of 
tilings, the period of the Duke of Gratton'S;, 
ministerial manhood should now be approach- 
ing. The imbociiily of his infant »tate was 
coinmitted to Lord Chatham. Ciiarles Fown- 
shend took some care of his education at tiiat 
ambiguous age, which lies between the follies 
of political childhood, and the vices of pu- 
berty The empire ot the passions soon suc- 
•oeeded. llis earliest principles and ("onnex- 
ions were of course forgotten or despised. 

* Sir John Moore. 



64 JUNIUS. 

The company he has lately kept has been of 
,no service to his morals: and, in the conduct 
of public affairs, we see the character of his^ 
time of life strongly distinguished. An obsti- 
nate, ungovernable self-sufficiency plainly 
points out to us that state of imperfect matu- 
rity at which the graceful levity of youth is 
lost, and the solidity of experience not yet 
acquii-ed. It is possible the young man may, 
in time, grow Aviser and reform : but if I un- 
derstand his disposition, it is not of such cor- 
rigible stuff that we should hope for any 
amendment in him, before he has accom- 
plished the destruction of his country. Like 
other rakes, he may, perhaps, live to see his 
error, but not until he has ruined his estate. 
PHILO JUNIUS. 



LETTER XV. 

To his Grace the Duke of Grafton. 

My Loru, July 8, 1769. 

If nature had giv'en you an understanding 
qualified to keep pace with the wishes antl 
principles of your heart, she would have made 
you, perhaps, the most formidable Minister 
that ever was employed under a limited mo- 
arch, to accomplish the ruin a free people. 
When neither the feelings of shame, the re- 
proaches of conscience, nor the dread of pun- 
ishment, form any bar to the designs of a 
Minister, the people, would have too much 
reason to lament their condition, if they did 
not find some resource in the weakness of his* 
understanding. We owe it to the bounty of^ 
Providence; that the completest depravity of * 



JUiNIUS. 65 

the heart is sometimes strangely united with 
^a confusion of the mind, which counteracts 
the most favourite principles, and makes tlie 
same man treacherous without art, and a hy- 
pocrite without deceiving. The measures, for 
instance, in whicii your Grace's activity has 
been chiefly exerted, as they were adopted 
without skill, should have been conducted 
with more than common dexterity. But truly, 
my Lord, the execution has been as gross as 
the desii^n. By one decisive step you have 
detVuted all the arts of writing. You have 
fairly confouned the intrigues of opposition, 
and silenced the clamours of faction A dark, 
ambio:uous system migtit require and furnish 
the materials of ingenious illustration ; and, 
in doubtful measures, the virulent exaggera- 
tion of f)arty must bo employed to rouse and 
engage the passions of the people. You have 
now brought the merits of your administration 
to an issue, on which every Englishman of the 
narrowest capacity, may determine for him- 
self. It is not an alarm to the passions, but a 
calm appeal to the judgment of the people, 
upon their own most essential interests A 
more experienced minister would not have 
hazarded a direct invasion of the first princi- 
ples of the constitution, before he had made 
some progress in subduing the spirit of the 
people. With such a cause as yours, my Lord, 
it is not sufficient that you have tlie court at 
your devotion, unless you can find means to 
corrupt, or intimidate the jury. The collec 
tive body of the people form that jury, and 
from their decision there is but one appeal. 

Whether you have talents to support you, 
at a crisis of such difficulty and danger, should 
long since have been considered Judging 
truly of your disposition, you have, perhaps, 
♦•^I'nistaken the extent of your rapacity Good 
faith and folly have so long been received as 



66 JUNIUS. 

synonymous terms, that the reverse of the 
proposition has grown into credit, and every 
villain fancies himself a man of abilities. It is^* 
the apprehension of your friends, my Lord, 
that you have drawn some hasty conclusion 
of this sort, and that a ]>artial reliance upon 
your moral character has betrayed you beyond 
the depth of your understaiiding. You have 
now carried things too far to retreat You 
have plainly declared to the people, what they 
are to expect from the continuance of your 
administration. Jt is lime for your Grace to 
consider what you also juay expect in return 
from their spirit and their resentment. 

Since the accession of our most gracious 
Sovereign to the tlu'one, we have seen a sys- 
tem of government which miiy well be called 
a reign of experiments. Parties of all denomi- 
nations have been employed and dismissed. 
The advice of the ablest men in this country 
has been repeatedly called for, and rejected j 
and when the royal displeasure has been sig- 
nified to a Minister, the marks of it have usu- 
ally been proportioned to his abilities and in- 
tegriiy. The spirit of the farourite had some 
apparent intiuence upon every administration : 
and every set of Ministers preserved an ap- 
pearance of du/ation as long as they submitted 
to thai iuiluence But there were certain ser- 
vices to be performed for the favourite's se- 
curity, or to ^^ratify his resentments, which 
your predecessors in office had t'.ie wisdom or 
the virtue iK)t to undertake. The moment 
this refractory spirit was discovered, their dis- 
grace was determined. Lord Chatham. Mr. 
Grenville, and Lord Rockingham, have suc- 
cessively had the honour to be dismissed for 
preferring their duty as servants of the public, 
to those compliances which were expected 
from their station, A submissive adniiuistra-*. 



JUNIUS. 67 

iJOH was at last gradual ly collected from (he de- 
serters of all parties, interests, and connex- 
Vv^ns: and notliino; remained but to lind a 
leader forthese gallant, well-disciplined troops. 
Stand forth, my Lord ; for thou art the man. 
Lord Bute found no resource of dependence 
or security in the proud, imposing superiority 
of Lord Chatham's abilities ; the shrewd, in- 
flexible judgment of Mr Grenville; nor in the 
mild, but determined integrity of Lord Rock- 
ingham. His views and situation required a 
creature void of all these properties: and he 
was forced to go through every division, reso- 
lution, composition, and refinement of politi- 
cal chemistry, before he happily arrived at the 
cofut morluum of vitriol in your Grace. Flat 
and insipid in your retired state ; but brought 
into action you become vitriol again. Such 
are the extremes of alternate indolence orfury, 
which have governed your whole administra- 
tion. ITour circumstances, with regard to the 
f»eople, soon becoming desperate, like other 
lonest servants, you determined to involve 
the best of masters in the same difficulties with 
yourself. We owe it to your Grace's well-di- 
rected labours, that your Sovereign has been 
persuaded to doubt of the atiections of his sub- 
jects, and the peojile to suspect the virtues of 
tlieir Sovereign, at a time when both were 
unquestionable. You have degraded the royal 
dignity into a base and dishonourable compe- 
tition with Mr Wilkes: nor had you abilities 
to carry even the last contemptible triumph 
over a private man, without the grossest vio- 
lation of the fundamental laws of the consti- 
tution and rights of the people But these are 
rights, my Lord, which you can no more an- 
nihilate, than you can the soil to which they 
are annexed. The question no longer turns 
^^on potats of national honour and security 



68 JUNIUS. 

abroad, or on the degrees of expedience and 
propriety of measures at home. It was not 
inconsistent that you should abandon this 
cause of liberty, in another country, vvhicli 
you had persecuted in your own : and, in the 
common arts of domestic corruption, we miss 
no part of Sir Robert Walpole's system, ex- 
cept his abilities. In this humWe, imitative line, 
you might long have proceeded safe and con- 
temptible. You might probably never have 
risen to the dignity oi being hated, and even 
have been despised with moderation. But it 
seems you meant to be distinguished ; and, 
to a mind like yours, there was no other road 
to fame but by the destruction of a noble fa- 
bric, which you thought had been too long the 
admiration of mankind. The use you have 
made of the military force, introduced an 
alarming change in the mode of executing the 
laws. The arbitrary appointment of Mr. Lut- 
trell invades the foundation of the laws them- 
selves, as it manifestly transfers the right of 
of legislation from those whom the people 
have chosen, to those whom they have re- 
jected. With a succession of such appoint- 
ments, we may soon see a House of Commons 
collected, in the choice of which the other 
towns and counties of England will have as 
little share as the devoted county of Middle- 
sex 

Yet I trust your Grace will find that the peo- 
ple of this country are neither to be intimi- 
dated by violent measures, nor deceived by 
refinements. When they see Mr Luttrell 
seated in the House of Commons, by mere 
dint of power, and in direct opposition to the 
choice of a whole county, they will not listen 
to those subtilities by which every arbitrary 
exertion of authority is explained into the law 
and privilege of parliament. It requires nif*j 



JUNIUS. 69 

persuasion of argument, but simply the evi- 
dence of the senses, to convince tlxm, that, 
I'o transfer the right of election from the col- 
lective to the representative body of the j)eo- 
]>le, contradicts all those ideas of a House of, 
Commons which they have received from 
tiieir forefathers, and which they had already, 
though vainly, perhaps, delivered to their chil- 
dren. Tlie principles on which this violent 
measure has been defended, have added scorn 
to injury, and forced us to feel that we are 
not only oppressed, but insulted. 

With what force, my Lord, with what pro- 
tection, are you prepared to meet the united 
detestation of the people of England ? The 
city of London has given a generous example 
t6 the kingdom, in what manner a King of this 
country ought to bo addressed : and, I fancy, 
my Lord, it is not yet in your courage, to 
stand between your Sovereign, and the ad- 
dresses of his subjects. The injuries you have 
done this country are such as demand no'l only 
redress, but vengeance. In vain siiall you 
look for protection to that venal vote which 
you have already paid for: another must be 
purchased ; and, to save a Minister, the House 
of Commons mu.st declare themselve^ not 
only independent of their constituents, but 
the determined enemies of the constitution. 
Consider, my Lord, whether this be an fs- 
tremity to which their fears will permit them 
to advance ; or, if their protection should fail 
you, how far you are authorized to rely upon 
the sincerity of those smiles, which a' pious 
court lavishes without reluctance upon a liber- 
tine by profession It is not, indeed, the least 
of the thousand contradictions which attend 
you, that a man marked to the world by the 
^^rossest violation of all ceremony and "deco- 
irum, should be the first servant of a court, in 



70 JUNIUS. 

which prayers axe morality, and kneeUng iif 

religioD. -> 

Trust not too far to appearajnces, by whicu 
your predecessor? have been deceived, though 
t, they have not been injured. Even the best of 
princes may at last discover, that this is a con- 
tention in which every thing may be lost, but 
nothing can be gained : and, as you became 
Minister by accident, were adopted without 
choice, trusted without confidence, and con- 
tinued without favour, be assured, that when- 
ever an occasion presses, you will be discarded 
without even the forms of regret. You will 
then have reason to b# thankful, if you are 
permitted to retire to that seat of learning, 
which, in contemplation of the system of your 
life, the comparative purity of 3 our man- 
ners, with those of their high steward, and 
a thousand other recommending circumstan- 
ces, has chosen you to encourage the growing 
virtue of their youtii, and to preside over their 
education Whenever the spirit of distributing 
prebends and bishopricks shall have departed 
from you, you will find that learned seminary 
perfectly recovered from the delirium of an in- 
stallation, and, what in truth it ought to be, once 
more a peaceful scene of slumber and thought- 
less meditation. The venerable tutors of the uni- 
versity will no longer distress your modesty, 
by proposing you tor a pattern to their pupils. 
The learned dullness of declamation Avill be 
silent ; and even the venal muse, though hap- 
piest in fiction, will forget your virtues. Yet, 
for the benefit of the succeeding age, I could 
WMsh that your retreat might be deferred until 
your morals sisal I happily be ripened to that 
maturity of curraption, at which the worst 
examples ceases to be contagious. 

juNms, 



JONIUS. 71 

LETTER XVI. 

V To the Prinler of the Public Jldverliset. 
Sir, July IP, 17G9. 

A GKEAT (leal of useless argument might 
have been saved, in the political contest which 
has arisen, from tiie expulsion of IMr \Vilkes, 
and the subseq-ient appointment of Mr. Liit- 
Irell, if the (jnestion had been once stated with 
precision, to the satisfaction of each party, 
and clearly understood by them both. But 
in this, as in almost every other dis|)ute, it 
usually happens that much lime is lost in re- 
ferring to a multitude of cases and precedents, 
which prove nothing to the pur})ose : or in 
maintaining propositions, which are either not 
dis[)uted,or, whether they bs admitted or de- 
nied, are entirely indilferent as to the matter 
in debate ; until at last the mind, perplexed 
and confounded with the endless sublilties of 
controversy, loses sight of the main question, 
and never arrives at truth Both parlies in 
the dis[)ute are apt enough to practise these 
dishonest artiiices. The man who is conscious 
of the weakness of his cause is interested in 
concealing it : and, on the other side, it is not 
uncommon to see a good cause mangled by 
advocates, who do not know tiie real strength 
of it. 

I should be glad to know, for instance, to 
what purpose, in the jiresent case, so many 
precedents have been produced to prove, that 
the House of Commons have a rigiit to expel 
one of their own members, that it belongs to 
them to judge of the validity of elections ; or 
that the law of parliament is part of tlie law 
of the land .''* After all these propositions are 

* The reader will observe, that these admissions 



72 JUNIUS. 

admitted, Mr. Luttrell's right to his seat will 
continue to be just as disputable as it was be-..^ 
fore Mot one of them is at present in agita- 
tion- Let it be admitted that the House of 
Commons were authorised to expel Mr Wilkes, 
that they are the proper court to judge of elec- 
tions, and that the law of parliament is bind- 
ing upon the people ; still it remains to be in- 
quired, whether the House, by their resolution 
in favour of Mr Luttrell, have, or iiave not, 
truly declared that law. To facilitate this in- 
quiry, 1 would have the question cleared of all 
foreign or indifferent matter. The following 
state of it will probably be thought a fair one 
by both parties ; and then 1 imagine there is 
no gentleman in this country, who will not be 
capable of forming a judicious and true opin- 
ion upon it. I take the question to be strictly 
this: " Whether or no it be the known, es- 
" tablished law of parliament, that the expul- 
" sion of a member of the House of Com- 
" mons, of itself creates in him such an inca- 
" pacity to be re-elected, that at a subsequent 
*' election, any votes given to him are null 
" and void ; and that any other candidate, 
" who, except the person expelled, has the 
" greatest number of votes, ought to be the 
" sitting member." 

To prove that the affirmative is the law of 
parliament, I apprehend it is not sufficient for 
the present House of Commons to declare it 
to be so. We may shut our eyes, indeed, to 
the dangerous consequences of suffering one 
branch of the legislature to declare new laws 
without argument or example; and it may, 
perhaps, be prudent enough to submit lo au- 
thority; but a mere assertion will never con- 
are made not as of truths unquestiooable, but fo" 
the sake of argument, aod in oi'der to bring tfe>.4i 
real question to i^isue. 



JUNIUS. 7,3 

vince, much less will it be thought reasonaljle 
to prove the rlgiitby the fact itself The min- 
* islry have not yet pretended to such a tyran- 
ny over our minds. To support the affirma- 
tive fairly, it will either be necessary to pro- 
duce some statuti*, in which that positive 
provision shall have been made, that specific 
disability clearly created, and the conse- 
quences of it declared ; or, if there be no such 
statute, the custom of parliament must then be 
referred to; and some case or cases,* sirictly 
in point, must be {)roduced, with the decision of 
the court upon them ; for 1 readily admit, that 
the custom of parliament, once clearly proved, 
is equally binding with the common and statute 
law. 

The consideration of what may be reasona- 
ble, or unreasonable, makes no part of this 
question. VV'c are inquirinc; what the law is, 
not what it ought to be. Reason may be ap- 
plied to show the impropriety or expedience 
of a law; but we must have either statute or 
precedent 1o prove the existence of it. At 
tlie same time, I do not mean to admit that 
the late resolution of the House of Commons 
is defensible on general principles of reason, 
eny more than in law. This is not the hinge, 
on which the debate turns. 

Supposing therefore, that I have laid down 
an accurate state of tiie question, I will venture 
to affirm, l?t. That there is no statute existing 
' by which that specific disability v.hich we 
speak of is created. If there be, let it be pro- 
duced. The argument will then be at an end. 

2dly, That there is no precedent, in all the 
proceedings of the House of Commons, which 

* Precedents, in opposition to principles, have 
little weie;ht, with Jxmius ; but he tliought it ne- 
^ ces'sary to meet the Ministry upon their owe 
grpjind. 

f- ■ * 



%4 JUNIUS, 

comes entirely home to the present case, viz. 
" Where an expelled member has been re- 
'' turned again, and another candidate, wilh^ 
*' an inferior number of votes, has been de- 
" Glared the sitting member " If there be such 
a precedent, let it be given to us plainly; and 
I am sure it will have more weight than ail 
the cunning arguments which have been drawn 
from inferences and px'obabilities. 

Tne Ministry, in that laborious pamphlet, 
w^hich, I presume contains the whole strength 
of the party, have declared, " That Mr. Wal- 
*' pole's was the first and only instance in 
" which the electors of any county or borough 
" had returned a person expelled to serve in 
" the same parliament." It is not possible to 
conceive a case more exactly in point. Mr. 
Waipoie was expelled ; and, having a majority 
of votes at the next election, was returned 
again. The friends of Mr. Taylor, a candidate 
set up by the ministry ,^ petitioned the House 
that he might be the sitting member. Thus 
far tiie circumstances tally exactly, except that 
our House of Commons saved Mr. Luttrellthe 
trouble of petitioning. — The point of the law, 
however, was the same. It came regularly 
before the House, audit was then- business to 
determine upon it. They did determine it ; 
for they declared Mr. Taylor 7iot duly eltried. 
If it be said, that they meant this resolution as 
matter of favour and indulgence to the bo- 
rough which had retorted Mr. Walpole upon 
then), in order that the burgesses, knowing 
wh: 1 the law was, raighl- correct their error, 
I answer, 

1. That it is a strange way of arguing, to op- 
pose a supposition, which no man can prove, 
to a fact wnich proxies itself. 

II Th^t if this were the intention of the 
House of Oo:nmon3, it must have defeated'^' 
its;plf. The burgesses of Lynn could never 
4£ 



JUNIUS. 15> 

fiave known their error, much less could (hey 
have corrected it by any instruclion they re- 

^ceived from the proceedings ot" the House of 
Commons They might, perhaps, have tore- 
seen, that if they returned Mr. VValpolc again, 
he would again be rejected ; but tluy never 
could infer, from a resolution by which the 
candidate with the fewest votes was declared- 
720/ duly elected, that at a future election, and 
in similar circumstances, the House of Com- 
mons would reverse their resolution, and re- 
ceive the same candidate as duly elected., 
whom they had before rejected. 

This, indeed, would have been a most ex- 
traordinary way of declaring the law of par- 
liament, and what, I presume, no man, whose 
understanding is not at cross pui-poses with 
itself, could possibly understand. 

If, in a case of this importance, I thouglit 
myself at liberty to argue from suppositions 
rather than from facts, I think the probability, 
in this instance, is directly the reverse of what 
the ministry aflirm ; and that it is much mom 
likely that the House of Commons, at that, 
time, would rather have strained a {)oint :u 
favour of Mr. Taylc*, than that they woul<i 
have violated the law of parliament, and rob- 
bed Mr. Taylor of a right legally vested ia 
him, to gratify a refractory borough, Avhichy 
in defiance of them, had returned a p'erson 
branded with the strongest mark of the die- 
pleasure of the House. 

But really, Sir, this way of talking (for I 
cannot call it argument,) is a mockery of tl;<? 
common understanding of the nation, too 
gross to be endured. Our dearest interests are 
at stake. An attempt has been made, not 
merely to rob a single county of its riglits, but, 
])y inevitable consequence, to alter the con- 

**'^Htutiou of th<^. House of Commons. Thi^ 



7t> JUiNIUS. 

ffital attempt 1ms succeeded, and stands as% 
precedent recorded for ever. If" the minislry ^ 
are unable to defend their cause by fuir argi^^ 
nient, founded on facts, let them spare us, at 
least, the mortification of being lunused and 
dehided, like children. I believe, there is yet 
a s[)irit of resistance in this country, which 
will not submit to be oppressed ; but I am sure 
there is a fund of good sense in this country, 
which cannot be deceived. JUiNlUS. 



LETTER XVII. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 
Si a, August 1, 176P. 

It will not be necessary for Junius to take 
the trouble of answering your corrcs[)ondenl 
G. A. or the quotation from a speech without 
doors, published in your paper of the 28th of 
last month. The speech appeared before Ju- 
nius's letter; and, as tliQg^author seems to con- 
.sidcr the great proposition on which all his 
arguinent de[)ends, viz. that Mr. ll'ilkts iras 
iUndcr thid known legal incapacity) ofivhich Jn- 
nius .'q)ef(ks, as a point granted, his speech is in 
no shape an answer to .lunius, for this is the 
very question in de!)ate. 

As to G. A. I observe, first, that if he did not 
admit .lunius's state of the question, he should 
have shown tlu; fallacy of it, or given us a 
more e\act one. Secondly, that, considering 
the many hours and days which the Ministry 
and their advocates have ^vasted in public de- 
bate, in compiling large qut-,'tos, and collect- 
ing imiuinerable precedents, expressly to prove,^ 
that the late proceedings of the House oi 






JUNIUS. 77 

fJonunons are warranted I)y (lie law, nistom, 
Hii(i practice of parliarneiil, it is rather an ex- 
* raonlinary supj)0.siti(jii '<» l>o made by one of 
tlieir own party, even lor tlie sake of argu- 
nK'iit, l/iat no suck slatulc, no suck custom of 
■jjarliameni, no such cast in point, can Ijc pro- 
duced. G. A. may, however, make the sup- 
position witii safely. It contains nothing but 
literally the fact ; e\ce|)t that there is a case 
exactly in point, with a decision of the House, 
diametrically opposite to that which the pre- 
sent House of Commons came to in favour of 
JMr. Luttrell. 

The Ministry now begin to be ashamed of 
the weakness of their cause ; and as it usually 
happens with frilstdiood, are driven to the ne- 
cessity of sliil'ting their ground and changing 
their whole defence. Ai iiist we were told, 
tliat nothing could be clearer, than that the 
[(rociedings of the ;our>e of Commons were 
Justiiied by the knov\ n law and uniform cus- 
tom of parliament But now, it seems, if 
there be no law, tiie House of Commons have 
a right to make one ; and, if there be no pre- 
cedent, they have a rijht lo create the first; 
for tills, I presume, is the amount of the ques- 
tions profiosed to Junius. If your correspond- 
ent had been at all versed in the lavs of par-' 
liament, or geiu'rally in the laws of this coun- 
try, he would have seen that this defence is 
as weak and lalse as the former 

The privileges of either House of Parlia- 
ment, it is true, are iridelinite : that is they 
liave not been described or laid down in any 
one code or declaration whatsoever; but, 
wheneve" a qucslicn of [irivilege has arisen, 
it has invariably been disputed or maintained 
upon the footing of preredents alone* In the 

♦*• * This is still mreting the ministry uprn tlieir 
own grocnd ; lor, in truth, no jiieccdcnts w il! sup- 



-76 JUNIUS. 

course of the proceedings upon the Aylesbniy 
electionj the House of Lords resolved, "That, 
■*' neither house of Parliament had any ppvv- 
*' er, by any vote or declaration, to create to 
" themselves any new privilege, that was not 
^' warranted by the known laws and customs 
'■<■ of Parliament." And to this rule the House 
of Cemmons, though otherwise they had acted 
in a very arbitrary manner, gave their assent ; 
for they affirmed, that they had guided them- 
selves by it, in assertingtheir privileges. Now, 
Sir, if this be true, with respect <o matters of 
privilege, in which the House of Commons, 
individually, and as a body, are principally 
concerned, how much more strongly will it 
bold against any pretended power in that 
House, to create or declare a new law, by 
ivhich not only the rights of the House over 
their own member and those of the member 
himself, are included, but also those of a third 
and separate party; I mean the freeholders of 
the kingdom ! To do justice to tiie Ministry, 
they have not yet pretended that any one, or any 
two, of the three Estates, have power to make a 
new law, without the concurrence of the tjiird. 
They know that a man, who maintains such 
a doctrine, is liable, by statute, to the heaviest 
penalties. They do not acknowledge that 
the House of Commons have assumed a new 
privilege, or declared a ntw law. On the con- 
trary, they affirm, that their proceedings have 
been strictly conformable to, and founded 
upon, the ancient law and custom of Parlia- 
ment. Thus, therefore, the question returns 
to the point at which Junius had fixed it, viz. 
Whether or no this be the law of Parliament ? 
{fit be not, the House of Commons had no 
legal authority to establish the precedent ; and 

port either natural injustice, or violation of posi*^ 

iiv^ rights. 



JUNIUS. '79 

(he precedent itself is a mere fxct, without any 
^.proof of right whatsoever 

Your correspondent concludes with a ques- 
tion (^i the simplest nature ; Must a tking be. 
wron^/^f because It has never been done before ? 
No. But, admitting it were proper lo be done, 
that alone docs -not convey an authority to do 
it. As to the present case, 1 liope I shall never 
see the time, wlien not only a ?ingle person, 
but a whole countj'", and, in etfecl, the eatire 
-collective body of the people, may again be 
robbed of their birth-right by a vote of the 
House of Commons. But if, for reasons vvi^ich 
I am unable to comprehend, it be necessary 
to trust that House with a power so exorbitant 
and so unconstitutional, at least let it be given 
them by an act of the legislature. 

PHILO JUiNIUS. 



LETTER xvnr. 

To Sir WiiUnm Blackslonc, Solicitor- GentraHo 
Her Majesty. 

Sin, July 29, 1769. 

I SHALL make you no apology for consider-^ 
ing a certain pamphlet, in which your late con- 
duct is defended, as written by yourself. The 
personal interest, the personal resentment, 
and, above all, that wounded spirit, unaccus- 
tomed to reproach, and, I hope, not frequently 
conscious of deserving it, are signals which 
betray the author to us, as plainly as if vour 
name were in the title page. You appeal to 
the pubhc, in defence of your reputation. We 
'hold it, Sir, that an injury offered to an indi- 
vidual, is interesting to ROcLety. On tiiis priii- 



80 J^UNIUS. 

Giple> the people of England made common 
cause with Mr. Wilkes, On this principle, if ^ 
you are injured, they will join in your resent- 
ment. I shall not follow you throuo;h the in- 
sipid form of a third person, but address my- 
self to you directly. 

You seem to think the channel of a pam- 
phlirt more respectable, and better suited to 
the dignity of your cause, than that of a news- 
paper. Be it so. Yet, if newspapers are scur- 
rilous, you must confess they are impartial. 
They give us, witliout any apparent preference, 
the wit and argument of the Ministry, as well 
as the abusive dulness of the opposition. The 
scales are equally poised. It is not the prin- 
ter's fault if the greater weight inclines the 
balance. 

Your pamplet, then, is divided into an at- 
tackupon Mr. Grenville's character, and a de- 
fence of your ovv'n. It would have been more 
consistent, perhaps, with your professed inten- 
tion, to have confined yourself to the last. 
But anger has some claim to indulgence, and 
ra' 'ng is usually a relief to the mind. I hope 
you have found benelU from the experiment. It 
is not my design to enter into a formal vindi- 
cation of Mr. Grenville upon his own princi- 
ples. I have neither the honour of being per- 
son dly known to him, nor do I pretend to be 
completely masterof all the facts. I need not 
run the risk of doing an injustice to his opi- 
nions, or to his conduct, when you pamphlet 
alone carries, upon the face of it, a full vindi- 
cation of both. 

Your first reflection is, that Mr. Grenville* 
was, of all men, the person who should not 

* Mr Grenville had quoted a passage from the 
Doctor's excellent Commentaries, which direrfly 
contradicted the doctrine maintained by the Doc- ^' 
tor in the House of Cominop?, 



JUNIUS. 81 

have complained of inconsistence with regard 
to Ml- Wilkes. This, sir, is either an inimean- 
ins; sni'cr, a peevish exi»ression of resentment ; 
or, if it means any thing, you |>lainly beg the 
question: for, vvfietlier his parliamentary con- 
duct, with regard to Mr. Wilkes, has or has not 
been inconsistent, remains yet to be proved. 
But it seems he received upon the spot a suf- 
ficient chastisement for exercising so unfairly 
his talents of misrepresentation. You are a 
lawyer. Sir, and know better than I do upon 
what particular occasions a talent for misre- 
presentation may be fairly exerted: but to 
punish a man a second time, when he has beeif 
once suiticiently chastised, is rather too severe. 
Tt is not in the laws of England ; it is not in 
your own commentaries; nor is it yet, I be- 
lieve, in the new law j'ou have revealed to 
the House of Commons. I hope this doctrine 
has no existence but in your own heart. After 
all. Sir, if you had consulted that sober dis- 
cretion, which you seem to oppose with tri- 
umph to the honest jollity of a tavern, it might 
have occurred to you, that, although you could 
have succeeded in fixing a charge of incon- 
sistence upon Mr, Grenville, it would not have 
tended in any shape to exculpate yourself. 

Your next iui-inuation, that Sir William .j; 
Meredith had hastily adopted the false glosses"!^^* 
of his new ally, is of the same sort with the- 
first. It conveys a sneer, as little worthy of 
the gravity of your character, as it is useless 
to your defence. It is of little moment to the 
public to inquire, by whom the charge was 
conceived, or by whom it was adopted The 
only question we ask, is, whether or not it be 
true ? The remainder of your reflections upon 
Mr. Grenville's conduct destroy themselves. 
He could not possibly come prepared to tra- 
* ducc vour integrity to the house ; he could 
E2 



S3 JaNIUS. ,\;. 

Hot foresee tliat you vvoulcl even speak upon 
the question ; much less could he foresee that 
you would nKiintain a direct contradiction of "^ 
that doctrine which you had solemly, disin- 
terestedly, and, upon the soberest rellection, de- 
livered to the puijlic. He c^mie armed, indeed, 
wk/: what he thought a reijiectabie authorty, to 
support, what he was convinced, was the cause 
of-tmth ; and, I doubt not, he intended to give 
yoUy .n the course of the debate, an honoura- 
fele and public testimony of his esteem. Thii;k~ 
Ing highly <>f his abilities, I cannot, however, 
^aMow hini the gift of divination. As to what 
♦you are pleased to call a plan, cooly formed 
to impose upot! the House of Commons, and 
lils producing it, without provocation, at mid- 
Brght, J consider it as the language of pique 
and invective, therefore unworthy of re- 
gard. But, Sir, lam sensible I have followed 
your example tOo long, and Vi^andered from 
the point. 

The quotation from your Commentaries is 
matter of record. It can neither be altered 
hy your friends, nor misrepresented by your 
enemies ; and 1 am wiiiijtg to take yoor own 
word for what you have said in the House of 
1' ammons If there be a real difference be- 
tween v;hat you have Written, and what you 
liave spoken, you confess that your book ought 
ip be the standard. Now, Sir, if words mean 
any thing, I apprehend, that, v.hen a long 
enumeration of disqualifications (whether by 
statute, or the custom of parliament) concludes 
with these general comprehensive word?, " but 
«' subject to these restrictions and disqualifica- 
" lions, every subject of the realm is eligible 
*' of common right," a reader of plain under- 
standing, must of course rest satisiied, that no 
speciesof disqualification whatsoever had been 
omitted. The know u character of the authorj.*^ 



and tlienpparentaccnracy with which the whole 
work is co!Uj)i$C(l, i'.vouU niiirin ami ;.! iiis 
oi)inioii : nor could lie possi[)ly form Any other 
judgment, without looking upon yonr com- 
mentaries in the siwne light in which yon con- 
sider those penal laws, which, though not re- 
pealed, are fallen into disuse, and are now, in 
cttect, a snare lo Ihe unwary.^ 

You tell us, indeed, that it was not part of 
your plan to specify any tenif)orary incapa- 
city ; and that you could not, without a spirit 
of prophecy, have specified the disability of a 
private individual, subsequent to the period at 
which you wrote. What your plan was, I 
know not ; but what it should have been, in 
order to complete the work you have given 
us, is by no means difficult to determine. The 
incapacity, which you call temporary, may 
continue seven yeai-s ; and thougli you might 
not have foreseen the particular case of Mr. 
Wilkes, you might, and should have foreseen 
the possibility of such a case, and told us how 
far the House of Commons were authorized 
to proceed ia it, by the law and custom of par- 
liament. The freeholders of Middlesex would 
then have known what they had to trust to, 
and would never have returned Mr. Wilkes, 
when Colonel Luttrell was a candidate againsjl; 
him. They would have chosen some indiifer^^ 
ent person, rather than submit to be rejjre- 
sented by the object of their contempt and 
detestation. 

Your attempt to distinguish between dis- 
bilities, which alfect whole classes of men, and 
tiiose which a{fect individuals only, is really 

* h\ in slating tlie law upon any point, a judge 
delii)eratoIy aflirms that he has iachided every case, 
and it siunild appear that he has purposely omitted 
a materi d case, he does, iu effect, lay a snare for 
the mnrarv. 



M JUNIUS. 

unworthy of your understanding. Your Com- 
mentaries ijad taught me, thatj although the 
instance in which a penal law is exerted be 
parfioular, the laws themselves are s.eneral : 
they are made for the benefit and instruction 
of the public, though the penalty falls only 
upon an individual. You cannot but know, 
Sir, that what was Mr. Wilkes's case yester- 
day may be yours or mine to-morrow, and 
that, consequently, the common right of every 
subject of the realm is invaded by it. Pro- 
fessing, therefore, to treat of the constitution 
of the House of Commons, and of the laws 
and customs rolative to that constitution, you 
certainly were guilty of a most unpardonable 
omission, in taking no notice of a right and 
privilege of the House, more extraordinary 
and more arbitrary than all the others they 
possess, put together. If the expulsion of a 
member, not under any legal disability, of it- 
self creates in him an incapacity to be elected, 
I. see a ready way marked out by which the 
majority may, at any time, remove the honest- 
€St and ablest men who happen to be in op- 
position to them. To say that they will not 
make this extravagant use of their power, 
v>rould be a language unfitfor a man so learned 
in the laws as you are. By your doctrine, 
Sir, they have the power; and laws, you 
know, are intended to guard against what men 
may do, not to trust to what they will no. 

Upon the whole. Sir, the charge against you 
is of a plain simple nature ; it appears even 
upon the face of your own pamphlet. On the 
contrary, your justilication of yourself is full 
of subtilty and refinement, and in some places 
«ot very intelligible. If \ were personally 
your enemy, I should dwell with a malignant 
pleasure upon those great and useful qualifica- 
tions which you certainly possess, and by which 



JUNIUS. 86 

you once acquired, though they could not pre- 
serve to you, the respect and esteerti of your 
"Voun'i'y : I should enumerate the honours you 
have 1 .'st, and the virtues you have disgraced ; 
but, having no private resentments to gratify, 
1 tiiiuk it suliicient to have given my opinion 
of your public conduct, leaving the punish- 
ment it deserves to your closet and to your- 
self. JUNIUS. 



LETTER XIX. 

Addressed to the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 
Sir, August 14, 1769. 

A coRRESvoNDENT of the St. Jamcs's Eve- 
ning Post first wilfully misunderstands Junius, 
then censures hira for a bad reasoner. Junius 
does not say that it was incumbent upon Dr. 
Blackstone to foresee and state the crimes for 
which Mr. Wilkes was expelled. If, by a spi- 
rit of prophecy, he had even done so, it would 
have been nothing to the purpose. The ques- 
tion is, not for what particular offences a per- 
son may be expelled, but, generally, whether 
by the law of parliament expulsion alone cre-^* 
ates a disqualification. If the affirmative be the, *' 
law of parliament, Doctor IBIackstone might, ^ 
and should have told us so. The question is 
not confined to this or that particular person, 
but forms one great general branch of disquol- 
ification, too important in itself, and too ex- 
tensive in its consequences, to be omitted in an 
accurate work, expressly treating of the law of 
parliament. 

The truth of the matter is evidently this: 
Doctor Blackstone, while he was speaking in 
*the House of Commons, never once thought of 



S6 JUNIUS. 

his Commentaries, ur.tll the contradiction \va.« 
nnexpectedly urged, and stared him in tlie fac 
Instead of defending himself upon the spot, ho"* 
sunk under the charge in an agony of confu- 
sion and despair. It is well known that there 
was a pause of some minutes in the House, 
fro^i a general expectation that the Doctor 
would say something in his own defence; but 
it seems his faculties were too much overpow- 
ered to think of those suhtilties and refine- 
ments which have since occurred to him. It 
was then Mr. Grenville received that severe 
chastisement which the Doctor mentions witli 
so much triumph: I wish the honourable gentle- 
man instead of shaking his head, icould shake a 
good argument out of it. If to the elegance, 
novelty, and bitterness, of this ingenious sar- 
casm, we add the natural melody of the amia- 
ble Sir Fletcher Norton's pipe, we shall not be 
surprised that Mr. Grenville was unable to 
make him any reply. 

As to tlie Doctor, I would recommend it to 
him to be quiet. If not, he may, perhaps, hear 
again from Junius himself. 

rHILO JUNIUS. 

POSTSCRIPT to a Pampldet, entitled, .In An- 
swer to the Question, stated. Supposed to 
be written by Dr. Blackstone, Solicitor to 
the Queen, in answer to Junius's Letter. 

Since these papers were sent to the press, a 
writer in the public papers, who subscribes 
himself Junius, has made a feint of bringing 
this question to a sliort issue. Though the 
foregoing observations contain, in my opinion, 
at least, a full refutation of all that this writer 
has ottered, I shall, however, bestow a very 
few words upon him. It wnll cost me very lit- 
tle trouble to unravel and expose the sopiiis^-- 
try of his argument,. 



JiUNius. a? 

*■ I take Ihe question (says he) fo be strlclly 
this: Whetber or no it be tlie known esia- 
*»bbslicd law of PHrlianicnt,tliat the expulsion 
" ot' a rnenjber of tlie House of Commons, of 
'< itself, creates in him such an incapacity to be 
"re-elected, that, at a subseijuent election any 
"votes f^i veil to him are null and void; au'l 
"that any other candidate, who, except thti 
"person expelled, has the greatest number of 
" votes, ou<;ht to be the sitliiig member." 

Waivin.r, for the present, any objection I 
may have to this state of the question, I shall 
venture to meet our champion upon his own 
ground ; and attempt to support the alfirmative 
of it, in one of the two ways by which he says 
it can be alone fairly supported "If there 
"be no statute (says he) in which the specific 
" disability is clearly created, ^c. (and we ac- 
" knowledge there is none) the custom of Par- 
"liament must then be refered to; and some 
" case, or cases, strictly in point, must be pro- 
"duced, with the decision of the court upon 
"them." Now, I assert, that this has been 
done. Mr. Walpole"s case is strictly in point ; 
to prove that expulsion creates absolute inca- 
pac ty of being re-elected This was the clear 
decision of the Mouse upon it; and was a full 
declaration, that incapacity was the necessary 
consecpience of expulsion. The law was as 
clearly and firmly fixed by this resolution, and 
is as binding in every subsequent case of expul- 
sion, as if it had been declared by an express 
statute, that a " member, expelled by a resolu- 
" tion of the House of Commons, shall be dcem- 
" ed incapable of being re-eleced." Whatev- 
er doubt, then, there might have been of the 
law, before Mr. VValpole's case, with respect 
to the full operation of a vote of exf)ulsion, 
there can be none now. The decision of tlie 
*" House upon this case, is strictly in point, to 



88 JUNIUS. 

prove, that expulsion creates absolute incapa- 
city in law of being re-elected. 

But incapacity in law, in this instance, must*^ 
have the same operation and effect with inca- 
pacity in law in every other instance. Now, 
incapacity of being re-elected implies, in its 
very terms, that any votes given to the inca- 
pable person, at a subsequent election, are null 
and void. This is its necessary operation, or it 
has no operation at all : It is vox et prmterea ni- 
hil. We can no more be called upon to prove 
this proposition, than we can to prove that a 
dead man is not alive ; or that twice two are 
four. When the terms are understood, the pro- 
position is self-evident. 

Lastly, it is, in all cases of election, the 
known and established law of the land, ground- 
ed upon the clearest principles of reason and 
common sense, that if the votes given to one 
candidate are null and void, they cannot be 
opposed to the votes given to another candi- 
date ; they cannot effect the votes of such can- 
didate at all. As they have, on the one hand, 
no positive quality to add or establish, so have 
they, on the other hand, no negative one to 
subtract or destroy. They are, in a Avord, a 
mere nonentity. Such was the determination 
of the House of Commons in the Maiden and 
Bedford elections ; cases strictly in point to the 
present question, as far as they are meant to 
be in point. And to say that they are not in 
point in all circumstances, in those particular- 
ly which are independent of the proposition 
which they are quoted to prove, is to say no 
more than that Maiden is not Middlesex, nor 
Sargeant Comyns Mr. Wilkes. 

Let us see then how our proof stands. Ex- 
pulsion creates incapacity, incapacity annihi- 
lates any votes given to the incapable person; 
4he votes given to the qualified candidate,*^ 



J{j?^lUS. 89 

staud, upon tlieir own Ijottom, firm and un- 
touched, and can alone have etiect. This, one 
Avould think, woukl be siillicient. But ue arc 
stopped short, and told, that none of our pre- 
cedents come lionie to the present case, and 
are challenged to produce "a precedent in all 
''the proceedings of the House of Commons 
"that does come home to it, viz. wJiere anex- 
^^ f el ltd member has 'jcen relurned again, and 
" anoUier randijiale, with, an inferior niimoer of 
" rotes, has been declared the .silting member.^' 

Instead of a precedent, I will beg leave to 
put a case, which, I fancy, will be quite as de- 
cisive to the present point. Suppose another 
Sacheverell (and every party nmst have its 
Sacheverell) should, at some future election, 
take it into his head to otter himself a candi- 
date for the county of Middlesex. He is op- 
posed i)y a candidate whose coat is of a differ- 
ent colour, but, however, of a very ;;ood co- 
lour. The divine has an indisputable majori- 
ty j nay, the poor layman is jvbsolutely dis- 
tanced. The sberitf after having had his con- 
science well informed by the reverend casu- 
ist, reliuns him, as he supposes, duly elected. 
The wiiole House is an uproar, at the appre- 
hension of so strange an appearance amongst 
them. A motion, however, is at length made, 
thiit the person was incapal)le of being elect- 
ed ; that his election, therefore, is null and 
void ; and that his ccmipetitor ought to have 
been ret'irned. No, says a great orator ; first 
show me your law for this proceeding. " Ei- 
*' ther produce me a statute, in which the spe- 
" cific disability of a clergyman is created ; or 
" produce me a precedent, w/tere a der^ymnn 
<• has been retamtd, and nnolhcr candidate, with 
*' an inferior unmrer of votes, lias been declared 
^" Ihe sitting member.'" No such statute, no 
juch precedent, to be found. What answer 



m JUMUS. 

then is to be given to this demand ? The vepy 
same answer which I vvill give to that of Ju-^ 
nius. That there is more than one precedent 
in the proceedings of the House, " where an 
" incapable person has been returned, and 
" another candidate, with an inferior number 
" of votes, has been declared the silting meni- 
" ber; and that this is the known and esta- 
" blished law, in all cases of incapacity, from 
" whatever caiise it may arise." 

I shall now, therefore, beg leave to make a 
sligiit amendment to Junins's state oi'the ques- 
tion, the aifirmative of which will then stand 
thus : 

" It is the known and established law^ of Par- 
'' liamentjthat the expulsion of any member of 
" the Honse of Commons creates in him am 
"incapacity of being re-eiected 5 that any 
'< vot'.'s given to hlra at a subsequent election, 
" are, in conse!!uence of such incapacity, null 
" and void ; and that any other candidate, 
" who, CKcept the person rendered incapable, 
" has the greatest number of votes, ought to 
" be the sitting member." 

But our business is not yet quite finished. 
Mr. Walpoic's case must have a re-hearing, 
" It is not possible," says this writer, " to cou- 
" ceive a case more exactly in point. Mr. 
" VYalpoIe was expeiled, and having a major- 
" ity of votes at the next election, wa« return- 
^< ed again. The friends of Mr. Taylor, acan- 
" didate set isp by the ministry, petitioned the 
" House that lie tnight be the sitting member. 
" Thus far the circumstances tally exactly ; 
" except that our House of Commons saved 
" Mr Luttrell the trouble of petitioning. The 
" point of law, however, was the same. It 
" came regularly before the H<»use,an<l it was 
" their business to determine upon it. 'J'heyi^ 
" did determine it; for they declared Mr. Tay- 
" lor 7iGt dub/ deded." 



JUNIUS. 91 

liistea(l of examining the justness of this re- 
-^resenlHtion, 1 sliall beg leave to oj)j)ose 
against it my own view of tiiis case, in as plain 
a manner, and as few words as I ain able. 

It was the known and established law of 
Parliament, wlien the chari.';e a;,'ainst Air. Wal- 
pole came before the House of Coinii»oris,that 
they had power to expel, to disable, and to 
render incapable for offences, in virtue of 
this power Ihey expelled hitn. 

Had th<>y, in the very vote of espulsioii, ad- 
judged him, in terms, to be incapable of i)t;ing 
re-eleC/ted, there must have been at once an 
end with him. But thoupih the ri^dit of the 
House, both to expel and adjiiJge Incapable, 
was clear and indul>itabh, it docs not appear 
to me, that tlie full operation arid eifecl of a 
vote of expulsion singly was so. The law in 
this case had never been expressly declared ; 
there had been no event to call up such a de- 
claration, f trouble not myself with the 
grammatical meaning of the word expulsion; 
i regard only its legal meaning. This was 
not, as I think, precisely fixed. The house 
thought proper to fix it, and explicitly to de- 
clare the full conserjuences of their former 
vote, before they suffered tiiese consequences 
to take elFect : \nd in this pioceedi'ig they 
acted upon the most liberal and solid princi- 
ples of equity, justice, and law What then 
did tlie burge.sses of Lynn collect ir(»in the 
second vote ? Their subseipient conducf will 
tell us ; it will with certainty tell us, tliat tiiey 
considered it as decisive against Mr. Walpole. it 
will also, with equal certainly, t(dl us, that, 
upon s'lpposition that the law of election stood 
then as it does now, and that they knew it to 
stand thus, they inferred, " that, at a future 
^ff^ election, and in case of a similar return, the 
*' House would receive the same candidate. 



92 JUNIUS. 

" as duly elected, whom they had before re- 
<' jected." They could infer nothing but this^pi 

It is needless to repeat the circumstances ot 
dissimilarity in the present case: it will be 
sufficient to observe, that, as the law of Par- 
liament, upon which the House of Commons 
grounded every step of their proceedings, was 
clear beyond tiie reach of doubt, so neither 
could the freeholders of Middlesex be at a loss 
to foresee what must be the inevitable conse- 
quence of their proceedings in op|iosition to 
it ; for, upon every return of Mr. Wilkes, the 
house made inquiry whetlier any votes were 
given to any other candidate. 

But 1 could venture, for the experiment's 
sake, even to give this w'riter the utmost he 
asks ; to allow the most perfect similarity 
throughout, in these two cases ; to allow that 
the iavv of expulsion was quite as clear to the 
burgesses of Lynn as to the freeholders of 
Middlesex. It will, I am confident, avail his 
cause but little. It will only prove that the law 
of election, at that time, was different from 
the present law It will prove that in all cases 
of an incapable candidate retMrned, the law 
then was, that the whole election should be 
void. But now we know that this is not law. 
The cases of .\Ialden and Bedford were, as has 
been seen, determined upon other and more 
just principles. And these determinations are, 
i imagine, admitted on all sides to be law. I 
w^ould willingly draw a veil over the remain- 
ing part of this paper. It is astoni.shing, it is 
painful to see men of parts and ability giving 
in to the mostunwonhy artifices, and descend- 
ing so much below their true line of charac- 
ter. But, if they are not the dupes of their 
sophistry, (which is hardly to be conceived) 
let them consider that they are somethingj^ 
much v/orse. 



JbML'S. i)3 

The dearest interests of this country are its 
laws and its constitution. Against every at- 
J^ack upon these, there will, I hope, be alv. ays 
found amongst us the iirmest spirit vf resist- 
ance ; superior to the luiited e'lbris of facion 
and ain!)ition. For ambition, thoui';ii it does 
not always take the lead of faction, will be 
sure, in tlie end, to make the most fatal fidvan- 
(age of it, and draw it to its own purposes. 
But, I trust, our day of trial is yet far oh'; and 
there is a fund of gooff sense in this covnin/, 
which cannot iong be dtctivcd by the arts either 
of false reasoning, or false patriotism. 



LETTER XX. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

Sjr, August 8, 1769. 

The gentleman who has published an an- 
swer to Sir William Meredith's pamphlet, ha- 
ving honoured me with with a postscript of six 
quarto pages, A\hich he moderately calls ])e- 
stowing a very few words upon me, [ cannot, 
in common politeness refuse him a reply. The 
form and magnitude of a quarto imposes upon 
the mind: and men, who are unequal to the 
labour of discussing an intricate argument, or 
■wish to avoid it, are willing enough to suppose 
that much has been proved, because much has 
been said. Mine, I confess, are humble la- 
bours. I do not presume to instruct the learn- 
ed, but simply to inform the body of the peo- 
ple ; and I prefor that channel of conveyance 
.yhich 's lii^ely to spread farthest anson/-' them. 
The ad\'ocatcs of tlie Fvlinistvv seem to me to 



94 JUNIUS. 

write for fame, and to flatter themselves that 
the size of their works will make them immor- 
tal. 'Ihey pile up reluctant quarto upon solid^ 
foiio, as if their labours, because they are gi- 
ganlicy could contend with truth and heaven. 
The writer of the volume in question meets 
me upon my own ground. He acknowledges 
there is no statute by which the specific disa- 
bility we speak of is created ; but he affirms^ 
that the custom of parliament has been refer- 
red to,, and that a ease strictly in point has 
been produced with the decision of the court 
upon it. I thank him for coming so fairly to 
the point, He asserts, that the case of Mr. 
Walpole is strictly in point;^ to prove that ex- 
pulsion creates an absolute incapacity of being 
re-elected ; and for this purpose, he refers gen- 
erally to the first vote of the House upon that 
occasion, without venturing to recite the vote 
itself. The unfair, disingenuous artifice of 
adopting that part of a precedent which seems 
to Siiit his purpose, and omitting the remainder, 
deserves •some pity, but cannot excite my re- 
sentment. He takes advantage eagerly of the 
lirst resolution, by which Mr Walpole's inca- 
pacity is declared ; but as to the two following^ 
by which the candidate with the fewest votes 
was declared " not duly elected:" and the elec- 
tion itself vacated, I dare say, he would be 
well satisfied, if they were forever blotted out 
of the journals of the House of Commons. In 
fair argument, no part of a precedent should 
be admitted, unless the whole of it be given 
together. The author has divided his prece- 
dent : for he knew, that, taken together, it 
produced a consequence directly the reverse 
of that which he endeavours to draw from a 
vote of expulsion. But, what will this honest 
person say, if I take him at his word, and de- 
monstrate to him, that the House of Com*^ 



mono never meant to lound Mr., Walpole's 
incai)acity upon iiis cximlsioa only ? what 
^iilileriuge wjII men remain ? 

Let it be reniembered, tiiatvve are speaking 
of the intention oi' men, who lived more tliau 
halt' a century ago ; and tliat such intention 
can only h?. collected from their wortis and 
actions, as they are delivered to us upon re-* 
cord To prove their de-^igns by a supposition 
of what tney would have done, opposed to 
what they actually did, is mere trillhigand im- 
pertinence. 'I'he vote, by which Mr. VVal- 
pole's inca[)acity was declared is thus ex- 
pressed: '•' i'tiat Robert Walpole, Fsq. having 
" been, tb.'s session of parliament, committed 
" a prisoner to tlie Tower, and expelled this 
" Hc'ise, for a breach of trust in the execution 
" oi his otIice,SLnd notorious corruption, when 
" secretary at war, was, and is, incapable of 
" being elected a member, to serve in this pre- 
« sent parliament."* Wow, Sir, to my under- 
standing, no proposition of this kind can be 
more evident, than that the iiouse of Com- 
mons, by this very vote, themselves under* 
stood, and meant to declare, that Mr. Wal- 
pole's incapacity arose from the crimes he 
had committed, not from, the punishment the 
House annexed to them. The liigh breach of 

* It is tvell worth remarkinjr, that the compiler 
of a certuin quarto, called, ThcCuseofthe last Klec- 
tion/or the County of Middlesex considered, has the 
impudence to recile itiis very vote in the tollovring; 
terms: (vide page II,) "Resolved, Tliut Koheit 
•' Walpole, Esq, having been this sf ^sioii of parlia- 
" merit expelled the House, was, Jiitl is, iiicapableof 
" beiii^ elected a member to serve in tiie [.resent par- 
' liajnent." 'l".ei e cainiot he a stroriger positive iioof 
of tt;e t.eaci'.eiy ot the compiler, ii<'^' ;i sirciiger re- 
sumptive proof Uiat he was ffiivinced that llie vote 
J'duly recited, would overturn liis whole argument* 



96 JUIVIUS. 

trusi, the notorious corruption, are stated in 
the strongest terms They do not tell us thajir-'' 
he was incapable, because he was expelled, 
but because he had been guilty of such offences 
as justly rendered him unworthy of a seat in 
parliament. If they had intended to fix the 
disability upon his expulsion alone, the men-:!: 
tion of his crimes in the same vote would have 
been highly improper. It could only perplex 
the minds of the electors, who, if they col- 
lected any thing from so confused a declara- 
tion of the law of Parliament, must have con- 
cluded, that their representative had been de- 
clared incapable, because he was highly guil- 
ty, not because he had been punished. But, 
even admitting them to have understood it in 
the other sense, they must then, from the very 
terms of the vote, have united the idea of his 
being sent to the Tower with that of his ex- ■ 
pulsion, and considered his incapacity as the 
joint effect of both.* 

* Addressed to the Printer of the Public Advertiser 

SIR, . May 22, 1771. 

Very parly in the debate upon the decision of the 
Mickllt'sex election, it Avas observed by Junius 
that the House of Commons had not only exceeded 
their iVbasted precedent of the expulsion and subse- 
quent incapacitation ofMr. Wnlpole,but thatthey 
had not even adhered to it strictly as far as it went. 
After convictinfi; Mr. t)ysan of giving a false quota- 
tion from the journals, and having explained the 
purpose which that contemptible fraud was intend- 
ed to answer, he proceeds to state the vote itself 
by which Mr Walpole's supposed incapacity wus 
declared, viz, " Resolved, that Robert Walpole, 
" Esq. having been this session of Parliament com- 
"mitted a piisoner to the Tower, and expelled this 
*' House, for a hioh breach of trust in the execution^ 
"his office, andnotorious corruption, when secretar^^ 



JUNIUS. 97 

I do not mean to give an opinion upon the ' 
justice of the proceeding of the House of 
iCoiiMuons w ith regard to Mr. VVali^oie ; but 
Certainly, if f admiltt'd their ceiisure to be 
well founded, I could no way avoid agreeing 

at war, wa?, " and is, incapable, of being elected a 
meinljer to serve " in this present Parii.aiieut;'* 
and then observes, that. Iron* the terms oftie vote, 
we htive no right to aunex liie incaiiacitation to the 
cxpiddon only ; i'or that, as tlie piopositiou stands, 
it must arise equally rioni the exjinlsion and the* 
commitment to the Tower. I believe, Sir, no man, 
who knows any thing of dijiectics, or who under- 
stands English, will dispute the truth and lairuess of 
this construction. But Junius has a great autiior- 
ity to support iiim, which, to speak with the Uuke 
of Graiton, I accidentally met witii this morning ia 
the course of my reading It contains an admoni- 
tion, which canni't be repeated too often, [jord Som- 
meis, in ids excellent tract upun the Kights of the 
People, after reciting the votesof the convf^ntion of 
the 2oth of January lbB9 viz *' That king J ames 
" the Second, having endeavoured to subvert the 
" constitution o; this kingdom, by breaking the ori- 
*' ginal contract betwehu king and People, and by 
*' the advireof Jesuits, and other wicked per'sons, ha- 
*' ving violated the fundumeiUal 1-iws, and having 
" withdrawn himself out 01 this "kingdom, liHt'i ab- 
" dicated the government," 6ic. makes tius observa- 
tion upon it ; " The word ubdicattd relates to ail the 
"clauses foregoing, as well as to his deserting the 
"kingdom, or else they would have been wijully la 
" vain.'' And that tiiere might be no pretence for 
conSuing the abdimti'm mei ely to the nithdruwingj 
Loid Soinmers farther ofv^erves. That KingJameSf 
by refusing to govern lis nccording to that lam by 
which he. held the Ciomn, did implicitly renounce his 
title to it. 

U Juriius''s construction of the vote against Mr. 
Walpole be now admitted (and, indeed, ) cannot 
comprehend iiow it can tione««t!y be d fputed) the 
advocates of the House of Commons must either 
'^'ve up their precedent entirely, or be reduced to 
E 



jfe 



gS JUNIUS. 

•withtbem in the consequence they drew from 
it. I could never liave a doubt, in law or rea- 
son, that a man convicted of a high breacli of^ 
trust, and of a notorious corruption, in the exe- 

the necessity of maintaining one of the grossest 
absurdities imaginable, viz. " Tiiat a commit- 
•' ment to the Tower is a constituent part of, and 
*' contributes half at least to, the incapacitaion of 
*' the person who suffers jt." 

1 need not make yon any excuse for endeavour- 
ing to keep alive the attention of the public to the 
decision of the Middlesex election. Tiie more I 
consider it, the morel am convinced, that, as a 
fad., it is indeed highly injurious to the rights oi" the 
people; but that, as a precedent, it is one of the 
most dangerous tlrat ever was established against 
those who are to come after us. Yet, I am so far 
a moderate man, that I verily believe the majority 
of the House of Commons, when they passed this 
dangerous vote, neither understood the question, 
or knew the consequence of what they were doing. 
Their motives were rather despicable than crimi- 
nal, in the extreme. One effect they certainly did 
not foresee. They are now reduced to svfch a situa- 
tion, that it a member of the present H^^use of Com- 
niotts were to conduct himself ever so improperly, 
and, in reality, deserve to be sent back to his con- 
stituents with a mark of disgrace, they would not 
dare to expel hun : because they know that the 
people, in order to try again the great question of 
right, or to thwart an odious House of Commons, 
■would probably overlook his immediate unworthi- 
ness, and return the same person to parliament. 
But, in time, the precedent will gain strength ; a 
future House of Commons will have no such appre- 
hensions ; consequently, will not scruple to follow 
a precedent which they did not establish. The mi- 
ser himself seldom lives to enjoy the fruit of his 
extortion, but his heir succeeds to him of course, 
and takes possession without censure. No man 
fxpects him to make restitution ; and, no matter 
for hjs title, he lives quietly upon the ejtute. 
^ fHILO JUr^JlUS, 



lUNIUS. 99 

cution of a public office, was, and ought to 
be, incapable of sitting in the same parliament. 
Far from attempting to invalidate that vote, 
I should have -wished that the incapacity de- 
clared by it could legally have been continued 
for ever. 

Now, Sir, observe how forcibly the argu- 
ment returns. The House of Commons, upon 
the face of their proceedings, had the strong- 
est motives to declare Mr, Walpole incapable 
of being re-elected. They thought such a 
man unworthy to sit among them. To that 
point they proceeded, and no farther j for they 
respected the rights of the people, while they 
asserted their own. They did not infer, from 
Mr. Walpole's incapacity, that his opponent 
was duly elected ; on the contrary, they de- 
clared Mr Taylor, *' not duly elected," and 
the election itself void. 

Such, however, is the precedent which my 
honest friend assures us is strictly in point, to 
prove, that expulsion of itself creates an inca- 
pacity of being elected. If it had been so, the 
present House of Commons should at least 
have followed strictly the example before 
them, and should have stated to us, in the 
same vote, the crimes for which they expelled 
Mr. Wilkes : whereas they resolve simply, 
That *' having been expelled, he was and is 
incapable." In this proceeding, I am authorised 
to affirm, they have neither statute, nor cus- 
tom, nor feason, nor one single precedent to 
support them. On the other side, there is, in- 
deed, a precedent so strongly in point, that all 
the enchanted castles of ministerial magic fall 
before it. In the year 1698, (a period which 
the I'ankest tory dares not except against) Mr. 
Wollaston was expelled, re-elected, and ad- 
mitted to take his seat in the same parliament. 
The ministry have precluded themselves from 



100 JUNIUS. 

all objections drawn from the cause of his 
expulsion ; for they atHrm, absolutely, that 
expulsion, of itself, creates the disability. Now, 
Sir, let sophistry evade, let falseliood assert, 
and impudence deny ; here stands the prece- 
dent : a land mark to direct us through a 
troubled sea of controversy, conspicuous and 
unremoved. 

I have dwelt the longer upon the discussion 
of this point, because in my opinion, it com- 
prehends the whole (juestion. The rest is un- 
xvorthy of notice. VVe are inquiring whether 
incapacity be, or be not, created by expulsion. 
In the cases of Bedford and Maiden, the in- 
capacity of the persons returned was matter of 
public notoriety, for it was created, by act of 
Parliament. But really, Sir, my honest friend's 
suppositions are as unfavourable to him as his 
facts He well knows that the clergy, besides 
that they are represented in common with 
their fellow subjects, have also a separate par- 
liament of their own ; that their incapacity to 
sit in the House of Commons, has been con- 
firmed by repeated decisions of that house ; 
and that the lav«r of parliament, declared by 
those tiecisions, has been, for above two cen- 
turies, notorious and undisputed. The author 
is certainly at liberty to fancy cases, and 
make whatever comparisons he thinks proper : 
his suppositions still continue as distant from 
fact, as his'wild discourses are from solid ar- 
gument. 

The conclusion of his book is candid to an 
extreme. He offers to grant me all ( desire. 
He thinks he may safely admit, that tlie case 
of Mr. VVaipole makes directly against him ; 
for it seems he has one grand solution in j?c//o 
for all di.Ticulties. << If (says he) J were to 
« allow all this, it Avill only prove that the law 
" of election was ditferent in Queen Anne'? 
'< time from what it is at present." 



J.LMLS. 101 

Till?, indeed, is more llian I expected. The 
principle, I know, has been maintained in 
{'net ; hut 1 never expected to see it so formally 
declared. What can he mean? Does he as- 
sume this language to satisfy the doubts of the 
people, or does he mean to rouse their indig- 
nation ? Are the ministry daring enough to af- 
firm, that the House of Commons have aright 
to make and unmake the law of parliament at 
their pleasure ? Does the law of parliament, 
which we are often told is the law of the land, 
does the common rightof every subject of the 
realrj, depend upon an arbitrary, capricious 
vote, of one branch of the legislature ? The 
voice of truth and reason must be silent 

The ministry tell us plainly, that this is no 
longer a (luestion of right, but of power and 
force alone. What was law yesterday is not 
law to-day : and now, it seems, we have no 
better rule to live by, than the temporary dis- 
cretion and fluctuating integrity of the House 
of Commons 

Professions of patriotism are become stale 
and ridiculous. For my own part, 1 claim no 
merit from endeavourini: to do a service to 
my fellow subjects. 1 have done it to the 
best of my understanding; and,v/ithout look- 
ing for the approbation of other men, my con- 
science issatisfied. \Vhat remains to be done, 
concerns the collective body of the people. 
They are now to determine for themselves, 
whether they will firmly arjd constitutionally 
assert their rights, or make an humble, slavish 
surrender of tiiem at the feet of the ministry. 
To a generous mind there connot be a doubt. 
W^e owe it to our ancestors, to preserve entire 
those rights which they have delivered to our 
care. We owe it to our posterity, not to suf- 
fer their dearest inherritance to be destroyed. 
But, ii'it were j)Ossible for us to be insensible 



102 JUNIUS. 

of these sacred claims, tliere is yet an obliga- 
tioii binding upon ourselves, from wliicli no- 
thing can ac(iuit us; a personal interest which 
we cannot surrender. To alienate even our 
own rights, vvouhl be a crime as much more 
enormous than suicide, as a life of civil secu- 
rity and freedom is su[)erior to a bare exis- 
tence : and if life be the bomity of heaven, 
we scornfully reject the noblest part of the 
gift, if we consent to surrender that certain 
rule of living, witliout wliich the coiulition of 
human nature is not only miserable but con- 
temptible. 'JUNIUS. 



LETTER XXI. 

To ike 'Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

Sir, August 22, 1761^. 

I MUST beg of you to print a few lines in ex- 
planation of some passages in my last letter, 
which, I see, have been misunderstood. 

1 When I said that the House of Commons 
never meant to found Mr. VVal|)ole's incapa- 
city on his expulsion only, I meant no more 
than to deny the general proposition, that ex- 
pulsion alone creates the incapacity. If there 
be any thing ambiguous in the expression, I 
tieg leave to explain it, by sayin?, tiiat, in my 
opinion, expulsion neither creates, nor in any 
part contributes to create the incapacity in 
question. 

3. I carefully avoided entering into the me- 
rits of Mr. Walpole's case. 1 did not inquire 
wiiether the House of Commons acted justly, , 
or whether they tridy declared the law of 
Parliament. My remarks went only to their 



.lUMUS. 103 

apparent meaning and intention, as it stands 
de«;lared in their own resolution. 

3. 1 never ine;i.nt to Hlfirrn that a comrnit- 
menl lo th«^ Tower ereutt'd a disqualification. 
On tlic. contrary, I eori-iidered that idea as an 
absurdity, into which tlie Ministry rnnst inevi- 
tably fall, it they reasoned right upon their 
own prin(;i))le.«. 

'i'he case of Mr. Wollaston sjieaks for itself. 
Tlie Ministry assert, that expulsion alone cre- 
ates an absolute, complete iwcapacity, to be 
re-elecled to sit in tiie san^ie Parliauient. This 
proposition lliey have uniformly maintained, 
witliout any condition or niodification what- 
soever. Mr. Wallaston wa.s expelled, re-elect- 
ed, and admitted to take his seat in the same 
Parliament. I leave it to the public to deter- 
mine whether this be plain matter of fact, or 
mere nonsense or declamation. 

JUMUS. 



LETTER XXII. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

September 4, 1769. 

Argcmf.nt a^inst Fact; or, a new system 
of Political Lo^ic, by which the Ministry have 
demonstrated to the satisfaction of their friends, 
that expulsion alone ci'eates a complete inca- 
pacity to be re-elected ; «//V«, That a siibject 
of tliis Realm may brj rolibed of his common 
Right, by a Vote of the House of Commons.. 



1G4 JUNIUS. 

FIRST FACT. 

Mr. IVoUaston, in 1698, wan expelled, rc-deded, 
and adniiited lo take his seat, 

ARGUMENT. 

As this cannot conveniently be reconciled 
with our general projiosition, it may be ne- 
cessary to shift our ground and look back to 
the cause of Mr. Woliaston's expulsion. From 
thence it will appear clearly, that, "although 
*' he was expelled, he had not rendered him- 
<'self a culprit, too ignominious to sit in par- 
^'liament: and that, haviuir resigned his em- 
" ployment, he was no longer incapacitated 
*'by law." Vide Serious Considerations, page 
23. Or thus: "The Hoase, somewhat inac- 
curate'.y, used the word expelled; they should 
have called it " a motion.'' Vide JiUngo's Case 
considered, page 11. Or, in short, if these ar- 
guments should be thought insufficient, we 
may fairly deny the fact. For example : " I 
*' affirm that he was not re-elected The same 
*' Mr Wollaston, who w^as expelled, was not 
"again elected. — The same individual, if you 
''please, walked into the House, and took his 
,*'seat there; but the same person, in law, was 
''not admitted a member of that parliament, 
"from which he had been discarded." Vide 
Letter to Junius, pa^e 12. 

SECOND FACT. 

Mr. Wal]iole, having been committecT to the 
Tower, and expelled, for a high breach of trust, 
and notorious corruption in a public sj^ce, was 
declared incofpabh, ht. 



JUNIUS. 166 

ARGUMENT, 

From the terms of this vote, nothing can 
be more evident, tlian that the House of 
Commons meant to fix the incapacity upon the, 
punishment, and not upon the crime ; but, lest 
it should appear in a different light to weak, 
uninformed persons, it may be advisable to 
gut the resolution, and give it to the public, 
with all possible solemnity, in the following 
terms, viz. " Resolved, That Robert Walpole, 
'< Esq. having been that session of parliament 
" expelled the House, was, and is incapable 
'< of being elected a member to serve in that 
" present parliament." Vide Mungo, on the 
Use of Quoiaimis, page 11. 

JV. B. The author of the answer to Sir Wil- 
liam Meredith seems to have made use of 
Mungo's (juotation ; for in page 18, he assures 
" us, <' That the declaratory vote of the Hth 
" ot February, 1769, was indeed, a literal copy 
" of the resolution of the House in Mr. Wal- 
" pole's case." 

THIRD FACT. 

His opponent, Mr. Taylor, having the smallest 
number of votes, at the next election, was de- 
dared not duly elected. 

ARGUMENT. 

This fact we consider as directly in point, 
to prove that Mr. Luttrell ought to be the sit- 
ting member, for the following reasons ; " The 
" burzesses of Lynn could draw no other in- 
" orence from this resolution, but this, that, 
" at a future election, and in case of a simi- 
*' lar return, the House would receive the 
£ 2 



106 JUNIUS. 

" same candidate as duly elected, whom tliey 
« had before rejected." Vide Fostscripl to Ju- 
nius, page 37. Or thus: "This, their resolu- 
*'tion, leaves no room to doubt what part 
"they would have taken, if, upon a subse- 
" quent re-election of Mr. Walpoie, there had' 
*' been any other candidate in competition 
" with him : for by their vote, they could have 
" no other intention, tjiaa to admit such other 
** candidate."' Vide Mudgo's Case considered, 
page 39. Or, take it in this light, 'i'he bur- 
gesses of Lynn, having, in defiance of the 
House retorted upon them a person wlion|>^ 
they had branded with the most ignominiods'^ 
DJarks of their displeasure, were thereby so 
well entitled to favour and indulgence, that 
the House could do no less than rob Mr. Tay- 
lor of a right legally vested in iiiui, in order 
that the burgesses might be apprised of the 
law of parliament; which law, the House 
took a very direct way of explaining to them, 
by resolving that the candidate, with the i'aw- 
e&t votes, was not duly elected : " And ^va3 
"not this much more equitable, more in tlie 
"spirit of that equal and substantial justice, 
*' Vv?hich is the end of all law, tlian if they had 
" violently adliered to the strict maxims of 
'"law,'"' Vide Serious Conslderalions, page 
33 and 34. "And if the present llouse of 
*' Commons had chosen to follow the spirit of 
"this resolution, they would have received 
"and established the candidate with the few- 
" est votes." Vide Afisivcr to Sir IF. M. paice 
28. 

Permit me now, Sir, to show you, that the 
\vorlhy Di\ Biackstone sometimes contradicts 
the Ministry, as Wjell as himself. The speech, 
without doors, asserts, page 9th, " That the 
*< legal effect of an incapacity, founded on a '^ 
** Judicial determination of a complete court. 



Jtt'NIUS. lOT 

"is precisely (he same as that of an incapaci- 
'^ty created by an act of parliament." Now 
for the Doctor. The law, and the opinion of 
the judge are not always convcrlible terms, or 
one and the same thing; since it sometimes matf 
happen, that tlie judge may mistake the law. 
Commentaries, vul. i. p. 71. 

The answer to Sir \V. M. asserts, page 23, 
<Mliat the returning officer is not a judicial, 
" hut a purely iDinisterial officer. His return 
is no judicial act." At 'em again, Doctor. 
The slicriff, ill his judicial capacity, is to hear 
and ddermim canses of forty shillings value ami 
under, in his caiinty court. He has also a judi- 
cial power in divers other civil cases. He is 
likewise to deride the elections of knights of the 
shire (subject to the control of the House of Com- 
mons) to judge of the quail fmdion of voters, and 
to return suck as he sludl chtermine to be duly 
elected. — Vide Commentaries, vol. i. p. 332. 

What couchision shall we draw from such 
facts, and such arguments, such contradictions? 
I cannot express my opinion of the present 
Ministry more exactly than in the words of 
Sir Richard Steele, <' That we are governed 
" hy a set of drivellers, Avhose folly takes away 
" all dignity from distress, and makes even ca- 
'• lamity ridiculous." 

PHILO JUNIUS. 



LETTER XXIIL 

To his Grace the Duke of Bedford. 

My Loud, September 19, 1769. 

You are so little accustomed to receive any 
marks of respect or esteem from the public, 



iOS JUNIUS. 

that if, in the following lines, a compliment 
or expression of applause should escape me, 
I fear you would consider it as a mockery of 
your established character, and, perhaps, an 
insult to your understanding. You have nice 
feelings, my Lord, if we may judge from your 
resentments. Cautious, therefore, of giving 
offence, where you have so little deserved it, 
I shall leave the illustration of your virtues to 
other hands. Your friends have a privilege 
to play upon the easiness of your temper, or 
possibly they are better acquainted with your 
good qualities than I am. You have done 
good by stealth. The rest is upon record. 
You have still left ample room for speculation, 
when panegyric is exhausted. 

You are, indeed, a very considerable man. 
The highest rank: a splendid fortune ; and a 
name, glorious, till it was yours ; Avere suffi- 
cient to have supported you with meaner 
abilities than I think you possess. From the 
first, you derive a constitutional claim to. re- 
spect ; from the second, a natural extensive 
authority ; the last created a partial expecta- 
tion of hereditary virtues. The use you have 
made of these uncommon advantages, might 
have been more honourable to yourself, but 
could not be more instructive to mankind. 
We may trace it in the veneration of your 
Country, the choice of your friends, and in the 
accomplishment of every sanguine hope which 
the public might have conceived from the il- 
lustrious name of Kussel. 

The eminence of your station gave you a 
Commanding prospect of your duty. The road 
which led to honour, was open to your view. 
You could not lose it by mistake, and you had 
no temptation to depart from it by design. 
Compare the natural dignity and importance 
of the highest peer of England : the noble inde* 



JUNIUS. 109 

pcndence which he might have maintained in 
^parliament ; and the real interest and respect 
which he might have ac(|uired, not only in 
parliament, but through the whole kingdom ; 
compare tliese glorious distinctions, with the 
ambition of holding a share in government, 
the emoluments of a place, the sale of a bo- 
rough, or the purchase of a corporation ; and 
though you may not regret the virtues which 
create respect, you may see with anguish how 
much real imjortance and authority you have 
lost. Consider the character oi an inrJepend- 
ent virtuous Duke of Bedford; imagine what 
he might be in this country; then reflect one 
moment upon what you are If it be possible 
for me to withdraw my attention from the tact, 
I will tell you in theory what such a man 
might be. 

Conscious of his own weight and importance, 
his conduct in parliament would be directed 
by nothing but the constitutional duty of a 
peer. He would consider himself as a guar- 
dian of the laws. Willing to support the just 
measures of government, but determined to 
observe the conduct of the minister with sus- 
picion ; he would oppose the violence of fac- 
tion with as much firmness as the encroach- 
ments of prerogative. He would be as little 
capable of bargaining with the minister for 
places for himself, or his dependents, as of de- 
scending to mix himself in the intrigues of op- 
position. Whenever an important question 
called forhis 0[)inion in parliament, he would 
be heard by the most profligate minister with 
deference and respect. His authority would 
either sanctify or disgrace the measures of go- 
vernment. The people would look up to him 
as their protector ; and a virtuous prince would 
'^liave one iionest man in his dominions, in 
whose integrity and judgment he might safely 



no JUNIUS. 

confide. If it sliQuld he the will of Provi- 
dence to afflict* him with a domestic misfor-"^ 
tune, he would submit to the stroke with fcel- 
ina;, but not without dignity. He would con- 
sider the people as his cliildren, and receive 
agenorous, heart-felt consolation, in the sym- 
pathizing tears and blessings of his country. 

Your Grace may jjrobably discover some- 
thins: more intelligible in the negative part of 
this illustrious character. The man I have de- 
scribed would never prostitute his dignity in 
parliament by an indecent violence, either in 
opposing or defending a minister. He would 
not at one moment rancorously persecute, at 
another basely cringe, to tlie favourite of his 
Sovereign. After outraging the royal dignity 
with peremptory conditions, little short of 
menace and hostility, he would never descend 
to the humility of soliciting an interviewf with 
the favourite, and of offering to recover at any 
price, the honour of his friendship. Thougii 
deceived, perhaps in his youth, he woyld not, 
through the course of a long life, have invaria- 
bly chosen his friends from among the most 
profligate of mankind. His own honour would 
have forbidden him from mixing his private 
j)leasures or conversation with jockeys, game- 
sters, blasphemers, gladiators, or buffoons. He 
would then have never felt, much less would 
lie liave submitted to, the dishonest necessity 
of engaging in the interests and intrigues of 
his dependents : of supplying their vices, or 

* The Duke had lately lost his only son by a fall 
from his hor.se. 

f At this interview, which passed at the hnnse of 
the late Lord Eglingtoun, I/ord Bute toid the 
Diike th:^t he was, determined never to have any 
connexion with a man who liad so basely betray- 
ed him, - ^ 



JUNIUS. Ill 

relieving their begfjary, ai the expense of his 
'country. He woiil-.l I'.ot b.ave 'oetruyed such 
igii.>rai)ce, or such conlempt, ot' the const'.tu- 
tiuii, as openly to avow, iti a court of justice, 
the piirchnse :in<l sale* of a boroijgh He 
would not have thought it consistent with his 
rank in tiie state, or even with his personal 
importance, to be th;,- little tyrant of a little 
corpm-ation.t He woiiUl never have ricen 
insulted wtUi virtues wiiich he iiad iabouied 
to extinguish; nor suiVered the disgrace of a 
mortifyia^i; defeat, wtiicli Rhs rtiade him ridi- 
culous and contemptible even to the few by 
uho'rn he was not detested. I reverence the 
atllictions of a good man ; his sorrovvs are sa- 
cred But how can we take part in the dis- 
tresses of a man whom we c.va neither love 
or esteem ; or feel for a calamity of which he 
himself is insensible? Where was the fathers 
heart, when he could look for, or find, an im- 
mediate consolation for t!ie loss of an only 
son, iq^-»onsultations and bargains for a place 
at court; and even in the misery of balloting 
at the India-House ! 

Atimitling, then, that you have mistaken or 
deserted those honouraole principles which 
ongiit to have directed your conduct; admit- 
ting that you have as little claim to private af- 

* In an answer in Chancery, in a suit against 
him to recover a large sum, paid him by a person 
■whom he h'ld undertaken to return to parliament 
for one of iiis Grace's boron-^iis, he was compelled 
to repay the money. 

f Of Bedford, where the tyrant was held in such 
contempt and detestation, that, in order to deliver 
Ihemsclves from him they idmitted a great num- 
ber of strangers to the Ireedom. To nuke his de- 
feat trniy lidiculous, he tried liis whole strength 
against Mr. Home, and was beaten upon his own 
jjro'Jud. 



112 JUNIUS. 

fection as to public esteem, let us see, with - 
what abilities, with what degree of judgment, 
you have carried your own system into exe- 
cution. A great man, in the success, and even 
in the magnitude, of his crimes, finds a rescue 
from contempt. Your Grace is every way 
unfortunate. Yet I will not lookback to thos'e 
ridiculous scenes,byilwhich, in your earlier days, 
you thought it an honour to be distinguished,* 
the recorded stripes, the public infamy, 
your own sufferings, or Mr. Rigby's fortitude. 
These events undoubtedly left an impression, 
though not upon your mind. To such a mind, 
it may, perhaps, be a pleasure to reflect, that 
there is hardly a corner of any of his Majesty's 
kingdoms, except France, in which, at one 
time or other, your valuable life has not been 
in danger. Amiable man! we see and ac- 
knowledge the protection of Providence, by 
which you have so often escaped the personal 
detestation of your fellow-subjects, and are 
still reserved for the public justice of your 
country. 

Your history begins to be important at that 
auspicious period, at which you were deputed 
to represent the Earl of Bute at the court of 
Versailles. It was an honourable office, and 

* Mr. Hestou Humphrey, a country attorney, 
hosre-whipped the Duke, with equal justice, se- 
verity, and perseverance, on the course, at Lich- 
field, Righy and Lord Trentham were also cud- 
gelled in a most exemplary manner. This gave 
rise to the following story ; "When the late King 
" heard that Sir Edward Hawke had given the 
*' French adruhbing, his Majesty, who had never 
" received that kind of christisement, was pleased 
" to ask Lord Chesterfield the meaning of the 
" word." " Sir," says Lord Chesterfield, - the 
*' meaning of the word— But here comes the Duke *t, 
*' of Bediord, who is better able to explain it to 
" your Majesty than I am." ♦ 



JUiMUS. 113 

executed with the same spirit with which it 
t ,Avas accepted. Your patrons wanted an am- 
bassador who woidd siibmit to make conces- 
sions, without daring to insist upon any ho- 
nourable condition tor his sovereign. Their 
Ijusiness required a man who i)ad as little feel- 
ing for his own dignity, as lor the welfare of 
his country; and they found him in the lirst 
rank of the nobility Belleisle, Goree, Gau- 
daloupe, St. Lucia, Martini(]ue, the Fishery, 
and the iiavanna, are glorious monuments of 
your Grace's talents for negociation. My Lord, 
we are too well arquainted wdth your pecu- 
niary character, to think it possible that so 
many public sacrifices should liave been made 
without some private compensations. Your 
conduct carries with it an internal evidence, 
beyond all the legal proofs of a court of justice. 
Even the callous pride of LordEgremont was 
alarmed * He saw and felt his own dishonour 
in corresponding with you : and their certainly 
w^as a moment at which he meant to have re- 
sisted, had not a fatal lethargy prevailed over 
his faculties, and carried all sense and memory 
a-vay with it. 

1 will not pretend to specify the ^cret terms 
on which you were invited to supportt an ad- 
ministration which Lord Bute pretended to 
leave in full possession of their ministerial au- 
thority, and perfectly mastersjjf themselves. 
He was not of a temper to relinquish power, 

* This man, notwithstanding his pride and tory 
principle?, had some English stuf!" in him Upon 
an official letter he wrote to the Duke oT Bedford, 
the {)iike desired to be recalled, and it was with 
the utmost difficulty that Lord Bute could appease 
him . 

- t iVIr. Grenville, Lord Halifax, and Lord Egre- 
tnont. 



114 JUNIUS. 

though he retired from employment. Stipu-^ 
iatious were certainly made between your 
Grace and hioi, and ceriainly violated. After 
two years' sub:Dission, you thou.^ht you had 
collected strength sufficient to control his in- 
fluence, and that it was your turn to be a ty- 
rant, because you had been a slave. When 
you found yourself mistaken in your opinion 
of your gracious master's firmness, disappoint- 
ment got the f)etterof all your humble discre- 
tion, and carried you to an excess of outrage 
to his person, as distant from true spirit as 
from all decency and respect* After robbhig 
him of the riglits of a king, yon would, not 
permit him to preserve the honour of a gen- 
tleman. It was (hen Lord Weymouth was 
nominated to Ireland, and dispatched (we 
well remember with wlvat indecent hurry) to 
plunder the treasury of the first fruits of an em- 
ployment, which you well knew he was never 
to execute.! 

This sudden declaration of war against the 
favourite, might have given you a momentary 
merit with the public, if ithad either been 
ftdonted upon principle, or maintained with 
resolution. Without looking back to all your 
former servility, we need only observe your 
subseijuent conduct, to see upon what motives 
you acted. Apparently united with Mr. Gren- 
viHe, you waited until Lord Rockingham's 

* The ministry having endeavoured to exclude 
the Dowager out of the Rei^ency Bill, the Harl of 
Butedptenniiied to dismiss tliem. Upon this, the 
Duke of Bedford demanded an audience of the 

^,~r~ ; reproached him in plain terms with Ids 

duplicity, baseness, falsehuod, treachery, and iiy- 
pocrisy ; repeatedly gave him the lie, and left him 
in convulsions, 

t He received three thousand pounds for plat*^ 
and equipajje money. 



JUiNIUS. 116 

(aeble administration should dissolve in its 
own weakness. The moment their dismission 
was suspected, the moment you perceived Unit 
another system was adopted in the closet, you 
thought it no disgrace to return to your former 
dependence, and solicit once more the friend- 
ship of Lord Bute. Yo\i begged an interview, 
at wiiich he had spirit enough to treat you with 
contempt. 

It would now be of little use to point out 
by what a train of weak, injudicious measures, 
it became necessary, or was thought so, to call 
you f)ack to a share in the administration.* 
The friends, whom you did not in the la.st in- 
staijce desert, were not of a character to add 
.''trcnp;th or credit to government: and, at 
tliat time, your alliance with the Duke of 
Grafton, was, I presume, hardly foreseen. We 
must look for other stipulations to account for 
that sudden r<^solution of the closet, \)y which 
three of your dependents! (whose characters, 
I think, cannot be less respected than they 
are) were advanced to offices, through which 
you might again control the minister, and 
probably engross the whole direction of atfairs. 

The possession of absolute power is now 
once more Avithin your reach. The measures 
you have taken to obtain and confirm it, are 
too gross to. escape the eyes of a discerning, 
judicious Prince. His palace is besieged ; 
the lines of circumvallation are drawing round 
him ; and unless he finds a resource in his own 
activity, or in the attachment of the real friends 
of his family, the best of Princes must submit 
to the confinement of a state prisoner, until 

* Wheo Earl Gower was appointed President of 
y.he Council, the King, with' bis usual sincerity, as- 
*.,ured him, that hf had not had one happy moment 
since the Duke of Bedford left him. 

t Lords Gower, Weymoutli, and Ssaudwich* 



116 JUNIUS. 

your Grace's death, or some less fortunat^^ 
event, shall raise the siege. For the present 
you may safely resume that style of insult and 
menace, which even a private gentleman can- 
not submit to hear without being contempti- 
ble. Mr. M'Kenzie's history is not yet for- 
gotten ; and you may iind precedents enough 
of the mode in which an imperious subject 
may signify his pleasure to his sovereign. 
Where will this gracious Monarch look for 
assistance, when the wretched Grafton could 
forget his obligations to his Master, and de- 
sert him tor a hollow alliance with such a man 
as the Duke of Bedford ! 

Let us consider you, then, as arrived at the 
summit of worldly greatness ; let us suppose 
that all your plans of avarice and ambition 
are accomplished, and your most sanguine 
wishes gratified, in the fear as well as the ha- 
tred of the people ; can age itself forget that 
you are now in the last act of life .'' Can gray 
hairs make folly venerable ? And is there no 
period to be reserved for meditation and re- 
tirement .'' For shame ! my Lord, let it not be 
recorded of you, that the latest moments of 
your life were dedicated to the same unwor- 
thy pursuits, the same busy agitations, in which 
your youth and manhood were exhausted. 
Consider that although you cannot disgrace 
your former life, you are violating the charac- 
ter of age, and exposing the impotent imbe- 
cility, after you have lost the vigour of the 
passions. 

Your friends will ask, perhaps. Whither 
shall this unhappy old man retire .'' Can he re- 
main in the metropolis, where his life has 
been so often threatened, and his palace so of- 
ten attacked .'' If he returns to Woburn, scor 
and mockery await him. He must create a^ 
solitude round his estate, if he would avoid iim 



JlJNIUS. 117 

face of reproaoh and derision. At PlyinoiUh, 
his di^stniction would be more than probable ; 
m^ Exeter, inevitable. No honest Englislimau 
will ever forget his attacliment, nor any honest 
Scotchman forgive his treachery, to Lord Bute. 
At every town he enter"", he mnst change his 
liveries and name. Which ever way he flies, 
the hue and cry of the countiy pursues liirn. 

In another kingdom, indeed, the blessings 
of his administration have been more sensi- 
bly felt ; his virtues better understood : or, at 
worst, they will not, for him alone, forget 
their hospitality. As well might Verres have 
retnrned to Sicily. You have twice escaped, 
my Lord ; beware of a third experiment. The 
indignation of a whole people, plundered, in- 
sulted, and oppressed, as they have been, will 
not always be disappointed. 

It is in vain, therefore, to shift the scene. 
You can no more fly from your enemies than 
from yourself. Persecrited abroad, you look 
into your own heart for consolation, and find 
nothing but reproaches and despair. But, my 
Lord, you may quit the field of business, 
though not the field of danger, and though you 
cannot be safe, you may cease to be ridiculous. 
.1 fear you have listened too long to the ad- 
vice of those pernicious friends, witli whose 
interests you have sordidly united your own, 
and for whom you have sacrificed every thing 
that ought to be dear to a man of honour. 
They are still base enough to encourage the 
follies of your age, as they once did the vices 
of your youth. As little acquainted with the 
rules of decorum as with the laws of moralitVj 
they will not sufler you to profit by experience, 
nor even to consult the propriety of a bad 
character. Even now they tell you, that life 
no more than a dramatic scene, in which 

ji hero should preserve his consistency l« 



m. 



119 lUiMUS, 

the last ; and tliat, as you lived without vli^ 
tuc, you should die without repentance, 

JUNIUS. * 



LETTER XXTV. 

^ To Junius. 

Sir, September 14, 1769. 

Having, accidentally, seen a republication 
of your letters, wherein you have been pleased 
to assert, that 1 had sold the companions of 
my success, I am again obliged to declare the 
said assertion to be a most infamous and ma- 
licious falsehood ; and I again call upon you 
to stand forth, avow yourself, sijad prove the 
charge. If you can make it out to the satis- 
faction of any one man in the kingdom, I will 
be content to be thought the worst man in it; 
if you do not, what must the nation think of 
you ? Party has nothing to do in this affair: 
you have made a personal attack upon my 
honour, defamed me by a most vile calumny, 
which might possibly have sunk into oblivion, 
had not such uncommon pains been taken to 
renew and perpetuate this scandal, chiefly be- 
cause it has been told in good language ; for 
1 give you full credit for your elegant diction, 
well-turned periods, and attic wit : but wit is- 
oftentimes false, though it may appear bril- 
liant ; which is exactly the case of your whole 
performance. But, Sir, 1 am obliged, in the 
most serious manner, to accuse you of being 
guilty of falsities. You have said the thing 
that is not. To support your story, you iiave 
recourse to the following irresistible argu- 
ment: "You sold the companions of your 
" victoiy, because, when the 16th rogimea^Cgu 



JUNIUS. 119 

^ was given to you, you was silent. The con- 
<' elusion is iiievelalile," I believe that, suck 

^lecp nmi acute^ reasoning could only come 
irorn such an es'lraordinary writer as Junius. 
But, Unfortunately for you, the premises, as 
A\cll as the conclusion, are absolutely false. 
Many apjilieations have been made to tlie 
Wiuibti'y, on the subject of the Manilla ran- 
som, since the time of my being colonel of 
that r:!giment. As I have for some years 
(juitteu Loudon, I was obliged to have re- 
course to the Honourable Colonel JMonson, 
and Sir Samuel Cornish, to negociate for me. 
In the last autumn, I personally delivered a 
memorial to the Earl of Shelburne, at his seat 
in \\ Htshire, As you have told us of your im- 
portance, tljat you are a person of rank and 
fortune, and above aconunon bribe, you may, 
in all probability, be not unknown to his Lord- 
ship, who can satisfy you of the truth of what 
I say. But I shall now take the liberty, Sir, 
to seize your battery, and turn it against your- 
self. If your puerile and tinsel logic could 
carry the least weight or conviction with it, 
how must you stand affected by the inevita- 
ble conclusion, as you are pleased to term it.' 
According to JuniuSf silence is guilt. In many 
of the public papers, you have been called, iu 
the most direct and otlensive terms, a liar, and 
a coward. When did you reply to these foul 
accusations.' You have been quite silent, quite 
chop-fallen : tlierefore. because you are silent, 
the nation has a right to i)ronouuce you to be 
both a liar and a coward, from your own ar- 
gument. But, Sir, I will give you fair play ; I 
will afford you an opportunity to wipe oif the 
fu-st apjiellation, by desiring the proofs of your 
charge against me. Produce tiiera ! To wipe 
offtlie last, produce yourself. People cannot 
bear any longer your lion's skin, and the des- 

r|iicable imposture of the old Uomaw name 



120 JUNIUS. 

which you have atFected. For the future as- 
sume the name of some modern* bravo and 
dark assassin: let your appellation have some 
affinity to your practice. But if I must perish, 
Jum'M.9, let me perish in the face of day: be 
for once a generous and open enemy. 1 allow 
that Gothic appeals to cold iron, are no better 
proofs of a man's honesty and veracity, than 
hot iron and burning plough-shar.es are of fe- 
male chastity; but a soldier's honour is as 
delicate as a woman's ; it must not be sus- 
pected. You have dared to throw more than 
a suspicion upon mine : you cannot but know 
the consequences, which even the meekness 
of Christianity would pardon me for, after the 
injury you have done me. 

WILLIAM DRAPER. 



LETTER XXV. 
Ha:ret lateri l^halis arundo. 
To Sir William Draper, Knight of the Bath» 
Sir, September 25, 1769. 

After so long an interval, I did not expect 
to see the debate revived between us. My 
ansvver to your last letter shall be short ; for 
I write to yoi with reluctance, and I hope we 
shall now conclude our correspondence for 
ever. 

Had you been, originally, and without pro- 
vocation attacked by an anonymous writer, 

* Was Bnitiio an ancient bravo and dark assas- 
sin ? Or does Sir W. D. think it criminal to stab a 
tyrant to the heart ? 



alDNIUS. t^i 

you would have some right to demand his 
nwrne. But iu this cause you are a volunteer. 
nYou engaged in it uitii the unpremeditated 
gallantry of a soldier. You were content to 
set your name in opposition to a man who 
wOuld probably continue in concealment. 
You understood the terms upon which we 
were to correspond, and gave at least a tacit 
assent to tbtpm. Alter voluntarily attacking 
me, under the character of Junius, what pos- 
sible right have you to know me under any 
olher? Will you furgive me if I msinuate to 
yo'j, that you foresaw some honour in the ap- 
parent spirit of coming forward in person, and 
that you were not quite inditl'erent to the dis- 
play of your literary q:ialifications? 

You cannot but know, that the republica- 
tion of my letters was no more than a catch-, 
penny contrivance of a printer, in which it 
was impossible 1 should be concerned, and for 
which I am in no way answerable. At the 
same lime I wish you,to understand, that if I 
do not take the troubfeof reprinting these pa- 
pers, it is not from any fear of giving offence 
to Sir William Draper. 

Yonr remarks upon a signature adopted 
merely for distinction, are unworthy of notice : 
but wiien you tell me I have submitted to be- 
called a liar and a coward, I must ask you, in 
my turn, whetlier you seriously think it in any 
way incumbent on me to take notice of the 
silly invectives of every simpleton who writes 
in a newspaper: and what opinion you would 
have conceived of my discretion, if I had suf- 
ferred myself to be the dupe of so shallow an 
artifice. 

Y'our appeal to the sword, though consist- 
ent enough with your late profession, will 
neitheir prove your innocence, nor clear you 
^fvom suspicion, Y'our complaint? v.^ith regard 
Gt 



128 JUNIUS. 

to the IManilla ransom, were, for a considera- 
ble time, a distress to government. You were 
appointed (greatly out of your turn) to'llie.^ 
command ot a regiment ; and during that ad- 
ministration we beard no more of Sir William 
Draper. The facts of which Isjjeuk may, in- 
deed, be variously accounted for; but they 
are too notorious to be denied ,; and I think 
you might have learned at the un)^ersity,that 
a false conclusion is an error in ai^ument, not 
a breach of veracity. Your solicitations, I 
doubt not, were renewed under another ad- 
ministration. Admitting the fact, I fear an 
inditl'erent person would only infer from it, 
that experince had made you acquainted with 
the benefits of complaining. Jlemember, Sir, 
that you have yourself confessed, that, con- 
sidering the critical situation of this country, the 
Ministry are in the right to temporise icith ''Spain, 
This confession reduces you to an unfortunate 
dilemma. By renewing your solicitations, you 
must either mean to force your country into 
a war at a most unsffesonable juncture, or, 
having no view or expectation of that kind, 
that you look for nothing but a private com- 
pensation to yourself. 

As to me, it is by no means necessary that 
I should be exposed to the resentment of the 
worst and the most powerful men in this coun- 
try, though I may be indiiFerent. about yours. 
Though you would light, there are otlierswho 
would assassinate. 

But, after all, Sir, where is the injury.'' You 
assure me, that my logic is puerile and tinsel ; 
that it carries not the least weight or convic- 
tion ; that my premises arc false, and my 
conclusions absurd. If this be a just descrip- 
lion of me, how is it possible for such a writer 
to disturb your peace of mind, or to injure a 
character s© well established as yours? Take^ 



JUNIUS. 323 

care, Sir William, how you indulge this un- 
ruly temper, lest the world should suspect that 
coiiscience has some share in your resent- 
ments. You have more to icar from the 
treachery of your own pjissions, than irora any 
malevolence of mine. 

1 believe, Sir, you will never know me. A 
considerable time must certainly elapse before 
we are personally acqiirinted. You need not, 
however, rcj-^ret the delay, orsuiler an appre- 
hension, that any length of time can restore 
you to the Christian meekness of your tem- 
per, and disappoint your present indignation. 
If I understand your character, tliere is in your 
own breast a repository, in which your rcsent- 
raeiUs may be safely laid up for future occa- 
sions, and preserved without the hazard of 
dimirjution. The odin in longum jacens, qu(Z 
reconderet, auclaque promeret, I thought had 
only belonged to the worst character of an- 
tiquity. The text is in Tacitus : you know 
best where to look for the commentary. 

JUiMUS: 



LETTER XXVr. 

i^ Word at parting to Junius. 

*SiF, October 7, 1769. 

As you have not favoured me with either of 
the explanations demanded of you, I can have 

* Meamres, and not men, is the common cant of 
afTected moderation , a base counterfeit language, 
fabiicatftd by knaves, and made ciirjent among 
Ibols. Such <;c{'.iie censure i.s not fitted to the pre- 
seut degenerate j;late t/f society. What does it 
avail to expose the absurd contrivance, or perni- 



124 JUNIUS. 

nothing more to say to yoii upon my own 
account. Tour mercy to me? or tencleniess 
for yourself, lius been very great. The pub- -'" 
lie will judge of your motives. If your excess 
6f modesty forbids you to produce either the 
proofs or yourself, I will excuse it. Take 
courage; 1 have not tlie temper of Tiberius, 
any more than the rank or [jovvcr. You, in- 
deed, are a tyrant of anotlier sort; and, upon 
your political bed of torture, can excruciate 
any subject, from a (irstminisier down to such 
a grub or butterfly a? myself; like another 
detested tyrant of antiquity, CRn make the 
wretched sufferer fit the bed, if the bed will 
not fit the sutferer, by disjointing or tearinsr 
the trembling limbs, until they are stretched 
to its extremitj'" But courage, constancy, 
and patience, uTidertorments, have sometimes 
caused the most hardened monsters to relent, 
and forgive the object of their crsielt}'. You, 
Sir, are determined to try all that human na- 
ture can endure, until she expires; else, was 
if; possible that you could be the author of that 
most inhuman letter to the Duke of Bedford, 

clous tendency of measure?, if the man avIso 
advises, or expcutes, shall he suffered, not only to 
rscripe with impunhy, but even to pro.^prve bis 
power, and insult us with the favoi;r of hie 8ovp- 
rei'^n. 1 would recommeud to the reider th.° wiiole 
of ^Ir. Pope's letter to Doctor A rbntlmot, dated 
July 26th, 1734, from which the following i^ an ex- 
tract: " To relbrni, and not to cliastii^e, 1 nm tifi aid, 
*' is impossible : and th't the bcsit precepts, ai=i well 
"as the best law?, would prove of small use, if 
*' there were no examples to enforce them. To vil- 
"■ lack vices in the tdistraot without touchins per- 
*' sons, ina}' he safe Gghting, iiideod, but it isfight- 
" \\\z with slculows. My greatest cond'ort and en- 
" courageuient to proceed has been to see, that 
*;'■ tho'.e who have no sliame, and no fear of any 
'* llti.jg eke, huve appeared touched by iqj satires.?* i:; 



JUiNlUS. 12i 

1 Imve reiid witli astonishment and horror? 
VViuM-e, S^r, where wore tiic feelings of yoiu' 
f)wn heaft, when yon conid upbraid a most 
alfeelionatc father with tlie loss of liis only 
and most ainial;lo son ? Read over again those 
rrncl liin^s of yours, and let them wring your 
very soul ! Cannot political (juc^stions i)e dis- 
cusse(J, without descemling to the most odious 
persoiiilities ? Must you go wantonly out of 
your way to torment declining aga, because 
the Duke of Bedford may have quarrelled vVitli 
those whose cause ami f)olitics you espouse ? 
For shame ! For shame ! As 'you have spoke. 
daLCgc.rs to him, you may justly dread t!ie use 
of them against \our own breast, did a v»'«.nt 
of courage, or oi' noble sentiments, stimulate 
liim to sncli mean revenge. Me is above it ; 
he is brave. Do you fancy that your own base 
arts have infected our whole island ? But your 
own n^flections, your own conscience, nmst, 
and will, if you have any spark of humanity 
reniaining, give hnn most ample vengeance. 
Not all the power of words with which you 
are so graced, will ever v.ash out, or even 
palliate, this foul ])lot in your cliaracter. £ 
have not time at present to dissect your letter 
so minutely as I coidd wish ; but [ will be bold 
enourli to say, that it is (as to reason and ar- 
gument) the jnost extraordinary piece oi florid 
impoltnte that was ever imposed upon the 
eyes and ears of the too credulous and deluded 
mob. It accuses the Duke of Bedford of high 
treason. Upon what foundation ? You tell 
ns, " the Duke's pecuniary character makes 
" it more than probable, that he cotdd not 
'■'■ have made MUch sacrifices at the peace with- 
''out some private compensations; that his'* 
•' conduct carried witli it an interior evidence, 
* « beyond all tiie legal proofsof acourtof jus- 
?' tice.^' 



12§ JUNIUS. 

My academical education;^ Sir, bids me tell 
you, that it is necessary to establisb^the truth 
of your first proposition, before you presume 
fo draw inferences from it. First prove the 
avarice, before you make the rash, liasty, and 
most wicked conclusion. This father, Junius, 
Avhom you call avaricious, allowed that^-ou 
eight thousand pounds a year. Upon his most 
unfortunate death, which your usual good na- 
ture took care to remind him of, he greatly 
increased the jointure of the afflicted lady, his 
Midow. Is this avarice ? Is this doing good 
by stealth .'' It i5 upon record. 

If exact order, method, and true economy 
as a master of a family ; if splendour, and just 
magnificence, without wild waste and thought- 
less extravagance, may constitute the charac- 
ter of an avaricious man, the Duke is guilty. 
But, for a moment, let us admit that an am- 
bassador may love money too much, what 
proof do you give that he has taken any to 
betray his country .-* Is it heresay, or the evi- 
dence of letters, or ocular ; or the evidence 
of those concerned in this black affair.'' Pro- 
duce your authorities to the public. It is a 
most impudent kind of sorcery, to attempt to 
blind us with the smoke, without convincing 
us that the fire has existed. Vou first brand 
him with a vice that he is free from, to render 
bim odious and suspected. SuspicioH is the 
foul weapon with which you make all your 
chief attacks ; with that you stab. But shall 
one of the first subjects of the realm be ruined 
in his fame, shall even his life be in constant 
danger, from a charge built upon such sandy 
foundations .'' Must his house be besieged by 
lawless ruffians, his journey impeded, and even 
the asylum of an altar be insecure from asser- 
tions so babe and false .? Potent as he is, the < 
'Duke is amenable to justice ; if guilty, panish'* 



JUNIUS. 1^7 

ai>1e. The parliament is the high and solemn 
tribunal (^' matters of such great moment ; to 
l.'iat be iffy siibmUted. But 1 hope, also, that 
some notice will be taken of, and some punish- 
ment inllicted upon, false accusers: especially 
upon such, Junius, who are wilfully false. In 
any tnitii I will H>;ree even with Junius; will 
a-^ree with him that it is highly unbecoming 
the dignity of Peers to tamper with boroughs. 
Aristocracy is as fatal as democracy. Otu* 
constitution aHni its of neither. It lovesaKing, 
Lords, nnd Commous really chosen by th^ 
unbought suirVages of a free people But if 
corruption oidy shifts hands, if the wealthy 
commoner gives tlie l)ribe instead of the fio- 
tent peer, is the stale better served by this 
excimnge.' Is the real emancipation of the 
borwigh ett'ecled, bocsmse new parchment 
bonds may siiperceiie the old ? To say the 
truth, wherever such practices prevail, they 
are equally criminal to, and destructive of, our 
freedom. 

The rest of your declamation is scarce worth 
considering ; except for the elegance of the 
language. Like Handet, in the play, you pro- 
duce two pictures : you tell us, that one is not 
like the Duke of Bedford ; then you bring a 
most liideous caricature, and tell us of the re^ 
semblance : but mnUiwx abludit imago. 

All your long tedious accounts of the minis? 
terial quarrels, and the intrigues of the cabi- 
net, are reducible to a few short lines ; and 
to convince you, Sir, that I do not mean to 
(latter any minister, either past or present, 
these are ray thoughts: they seem to have 
acted like lover*, or children ; have* pouted^ 

* Sir U'illi^m gives us a pleasant account of itipd, 
>vho, in his opinion at lea?t. arc th^ best qualified 
lo o[ovcrn au emj iie. 



128 JtrNIUS'. 

quarrelled, cried, kissed, and been friends 
again, as the objects of desire, the ministerial '^ 
rattles, have been put into their hlffids. But 
such proceedings are very unworthy of the 
gravity and dignity of a great nation. We do 
not want men of abilities, but we have wanted 
steadiness: we want unanimity: your letters, 
Junius, will not contribute thereto You may 
one day expire by a flame of your own kind- 
ling. But it i" my humble opinion, that lenity 
and moderation, pardon and oblivion, will dis- 
appoint the efforts of all the seditious in the 
land, and extinguish their wide-spreading 
fires. I have lived with this sentiment ; with 
tliis I shall die. 

WILLIAM DRAPER. 



LETTER XXVII. 

To the Printer of the Public Adveriisejp, 
Sir, October 13, 1769. 

If Sir William Draper's bed be a bed of tor- 
tures, he has made it forhim.self I shall never 
interrupt his repose Having changed the 
subject, there are parts of his last letter not 
undeserving of a reply. Leaving his priv^ate 
character and conduct out of the question, I 
shall consider him merely in the capacity of 
an author, whose labours certainly do no dis- 
credit to a newspaper 

We say, in common discourse, that a man 
may be his own enemy; and the fre(}uency 
of the fact makes the expression intelligible. 
But that a man should be the bitterest enemy 
of his friends, implies a contradiction of a pc- 
€!tiliar nature. There is Something in it wliicii' 



JUNTOS. 12S 

cannot be conceived without a confusion of 
ideas, n<^' ex|M-essed without a solecism in 
language. Sir William Draper is still that fatnl 
friend Lord Granby found him. Yet, I am 
ready to do justice to his generosity; if, in- 
deed, it be not something more than gene- 
rous, to be the voluntary advocate of men, 
whotiiinlv themselves injured by his assistance, 
and to consider nothing in the cause he adopts 
but the difficulty of defending it. I thought, 
however, he had been better read in the his- 
tory of the human heart than to compare or 
CiMifound the tortures of the body with those 
of the mind. He ought to have known, though 
perhaps, it might not be his interest to con- 
fess, that no outward tyranny can reach the 
mind. It' conscience plays the tyrant, it would 
be greatly for the benefit of the world that she 
were more arbitrary, and far less placable, 
than some men find her. 

But it seems I have outraged the feelings of 
a father's heart. Am I, indeed, so injudicious? 
Does Sir William Draper think I would have 
liazardcd my credit with a generous nation, 
by so gross a violation of the laws of humani- 
ty .^ Does he think I am so little acquainted 
with the first and noblest characteristic of 
Englishmen ? Or, bow will he reconcile such 
foliy with an understanding so full of artitice 
as mine? Had he been a father, he would 
have been but little offended with the severity 
of the reproach, for his mind would have ' 
been filled with the justice of it. He would 
have seen that I did not insult the feelings of «' 
a father, but the father who felt nothing. He V- 
would have trusted to the evidence of his own 
paternal heart, and boldly denied the possi- 
bility of the fact, instead of defending it. 
..\gain.st whom then will his honest indigna- 
tion be directed, when I assure him, that this 
G 2 



130 JUNIUS. 

Avhole town beheld the Duke of Bedford's con* 
duct, upon the death of his son, wjth liorror •* 
and astonishment. Su* William Draper does 
himself but little honour in opposing the ge- 
neral sense of his country. The people are 
seldom wrong in their opinions; in their sen- 
timents they are never mistaken. There may 
be a vanity, perhaps, in a singular way of 
thinking: but, when a man professes a want 
of those feelings, which do honour (o the mul- 
titude, he hazards something infinitely more 
important than the character of his under- 
standing. After all, as Sir William may possi- 
bly be in earnest in his anxiety for the Duke 
of Bedford, I should be glad to relieve him 
from it. He may rest assured, this worthy 
nobleman laughs, with equal indifference, at 
ray reproaches, and Sir William's distress about 
him. But here let it stop. Even the Duke of 
Bedford, insensible as he is, will consult the 
tranquility of his life, in not provoking the 
moderation of my temper. If, from the pro- 
foundest contempt, I should ever rise into 
anger, he should soon find, that all 1 have al- 
ready said of him, was lenity and compassion. 
Out of a long catalogue. Sir William Draper 
has confined himself to the refutation of two 
charges only. The rest he had not time (o 
discuss ; and, indeed, it would have been a 
laborious undertaking. To draw up a defence 
of such a series of enormities, would have re- 
quired a life, at least as long as that which lias 
been uniformly employed in the practice of 
them. The public opinion of the Duke of 
Bedford's extreme economy is, it seems, en- 
tirely without foundation. Though not very 
prodigal abroad, in his own family, at least, 
lie is regular and magnificent. He pays his 
debts, abhors a beggar, and makes a handsome^*- 
provision for his son> His charity has im- 



proved upon llie proverb, and ended "where 
it began. Adtuitting the whole force of this 
single instance of liis domestic generosity, 
(\vond«;rf(d inileed, considering the narrow- 
ness of his fortune, and the lilth; merit of his 
only son) the pnblic may still, perhaps, be 
dissatirflied, and demand some other less 
eqnivorul proofs of liis munificence. Sir Wil- 
liam Draper shyiiid have entered boldly into 
the detail of indigence relieved, of arts en* 
cour.iged, of science [)atronised, men of learn- 
ing protected, and works of genius rewarded. 
In sliort, had there been a single instance be- 
sides Mr I\igr)y,* of blushing merit, broiaght 
forward by the Dake for the service of the 
public, it should not have been omitted. 

I wish it were possible to establish my in- 
ference Willi the same certainty on which I 
believe the princi|)le is founded. iMy conclu- 
sion, however, was not drawn from the prin- 
ciple alone. ( aty not so unjust as to reason 
from one crime to another: though I think 
that of all the vices avarice is mo.st apt to taint 
and corrupt the lie;)i-t. [ combined the known 
tem;)er of the m;in, wiili the extravagant con- 
cessions made by the ambas.i;idor; and thougli 
I doubt not sutlicicnl care was taken to leave 
no document of any trt-asonable negocialionj 
I htill maintain that the conduct! of this minis- 
ter carries with it an internal and convincing 
evidence ag.iirirst him. Sir \ViHiam Draper 
seems not to know tiie value or force of such 

* This cenMcim.fi is siippo^pd to have tlie same 
idea of blushin-^ that a man, blind from his biitb^ 
has of scarlet or sky-blue. 

\ If Sir W. D. will take the trouble of looking 
into Torcy's Moiri;»irs, he will i<«;e. with wli>t little 
ceremoiiv a bribe miiy be o(!Vred to a Duke, and 
with wliat littlp crreinnny K was only not accepted. 



19& JUNIUS. 

a proof. He will notpermif ustojadge of the 
motives of men by the manifest ten(iency of 
th'. ir action?, nor by the notorious character 
of th.-'ir minds. He calls for {)apers and ^\it- 
nesses with triumphant security, as if nothing 
could be true but what conid be proved in a 
court of justice. Yet a religious man might 
have remembered upon what foundation some 
trulhs, most inte(e>ting to mankind, have 
been received and established. If it were not 
for the internal evidence which the purest of 
religions carries with it, what would have be- 
come of iiis once well-quoted decalogue, and 
of the meekness of his Christiaiiify 

The generoiis warmth of his resentment 
mokes him confound the order of events. He 
forgets that the insults aud distresses wbich 
ths Duke of Bedford h .s sufferfd, and wi)ich 
S'r William lias lamented, with many delicate 
touches of the true pathetic, were only re- 
corded in my letter to his Grace, not occa- 
sioned by it It was a sim|>le, candid narra- 
tive of facts ; though, for auglit 1 know, it 
may carry with it something prophetic. His 
GracL', undoubledly lias received several omi- 
nous hints; and, I think, in certain circum- 
stances, a wise man would do well to prepare 
himself for the event. 

w But I have a charge of a heavier nature 
against Sir VViliiam Draper. He tells us tiiat 
the Uuke of Bedford is amenable to ju.-tice ; 
th d Parliament is a high ar.d solemn tribimal; 
and that, if guil'y, h.e may be punished by due 
course of law : and all this he says with as 
muv;h gravity as if lie believed one word 
of the matter. T hope, indeed, the day of im- 
peachments will arrive before this nobleman 
escapes out of life; but, to refpr us to that 
mode of proceeding now with such a Minis- < 
try, and such a House of Qommons, as the 



JUNIUS. 13'6 

preaeiit, wliat is it but an indecent mockery 
^ of the common sense of the nation P I think 
he might have contented himself with defend- 
in)^ the greatest enemy, without insulting the 
distresses ot his country. 

His concluding declaration of his opinion, 
with respect to the present condition of affairs, 
is too loose and undetermined to he of any 
service to the public. How strange is it that 
this gentleman should dedicate so much time 
and argument to the defence of worthless or 
indifferf.nt characters, while he gives but seven 
soViUiry lines to the only subject which can 
deserve his attention, or do credit to his 
abilities. JUxNlUS. 



LETTER XXVHI. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 
Sir, October 2(», 1769. 

I VEr^Y sincerely applaud the spirit with 
■which a lady has paid the debt of gratitude to 
her benefactor. Tlioufrh I think she has mista- 
ken the point, she ihows a virtue which makes 
Ler respectible. The question turned upon 
the personal generosity or avarice of a man, 
whose private fortune is immense. The proofs 
of his munificence must be drawn from the 
the uses t^ which he has applied that fortune. 
I was not speaking of a Lord Lieutenant of 
Ireland, but of a rich En.dish Duke, whose 
wealth gave him the means of doing as much 
good in this country, as he derived from his 
pov.er in another. I am far from wishing to 
lesson the merit of this single benevolent ac- 
tion ; perhaps it is the more conspicuous from 



134 JUNIUS. 

standing alone. All I mean to say, is, that it 
proves nothing in the present argument. ' 

^' JUiNIU-S. 



4K 



LETTER XXIX. 

p^ddressed to the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 
Sir, October 19, 17(>i). 

I AM well assured that Junius will never des- 
cend to a disj)ute with such a writer as Mo- 
destiis (whose letter appeared in the Gazateer 
of Monday) especially as the dis[)ut.e must he 
(chiefly about words Notwithstanding the 
partiality of the public, it does not af)pcar that 
.Juuias values himself upon any superior skill 
in composition ; and 1 hope his time will al- 
ways be more usefully employed than in thetri- 
tling retinements of verbal criticism. Modes- 
tus, however, shall have no reason to triumph 
in the silence and moderation of .hmius. If 
he knew as much of the propriety of language, 
as, I believe, he does of the facts in quf^stion, 
he would have been as cautious of attacking 
Junius upon his composition, as he seems to 
. be of entering into the subject of it; yel, after 
all, the last is the only article of any impor- 
tance to the public. 

I do not wonder at the unremitted rancour 
with which the Duke of Bedtbrd and his ad- 
herents invariably speak of a nation, which 
we well know has been too much injured to 
be easily forgiven. But why ujust Junius be 
an Irishman ? The absurdity of his writings be- 
trays him. Waiving all considerations of the 
insult ottered by Modestus to the declared* 
judgment of the people (they may w^ll bear 



\U\^ nmoTigst tlie rest) let us follow the several 
'i!i3t,ino/'», and try whethertlie charge he fairly 
»!>{)j»orte(J. <W»' 

1. 'llien, the If'fivinj; fi man to enjoy such 
a repose as he can find ujjon a hed of torture, 
is severe indeed ; pcriiajis too r/iucli so, when 
applied t6 huch a triller as Sir V\ illiarn Dra- 
per: hill there is nothing ahsiird either in the 
idea or expression. ModestuH canru^t distin- 
guish hetween a .sarcasm and a corilnidiction. 

2. I atliriH, with Junius, that it is the fre- 
quency of tiie fact which nlone can make us 
compndiend how a man can he his own 
enemy We should never arrive at the com- 
plex i'iea conveyed hy those words, if we had 
only sf.en one or two instances of a man act- 
iit;; to his own prejudice Oll'er the |)rof)Osi- 
lion to a child or a mrui unused to comfionnd 
his ideas, and you will soon see how little 
either of them understand you. It is not a 
simple idea, arisinjrfrom a sin^de fact, hut a 
▼ery complex idefi, arisinj^ from mnny facts, 
well oh:ierved, and accurfitely com[)ared. 

•i. Modestus could not, without great affec- 
tation, mistake the. meaning of Jiinius, when 
he s()eaksof a man, who is the hitterest enemy 
of his friends. lie could no-, hut know, that 
Junius spoke not of a false or hollow friend- 
ship, l)ut of a real intf;ntion to serve, and that 
intention producinj^ the wf)rst clfects of en- 
mity. Wliether the des*;ription he strictly ap- 
plicable to Sir William Draper, i> another 
(juestion. Junius does not say, that it is more 
criminal for a man to he the enemy of hij*' 
friends than his own ; tliouj^h lu; mifrht have 
nUirmed it with truth. In a moral light, a man 
mey certainly t'lke greater lihertics with him- 
self, than with another. To sacrifice rjurselves 
-merely, is a weakness we may indulge in, if 
we thiuk proper, for we d» it at our own ha- 



136 JUNIUS. 

Eard and expense ; but, under the pretence of 
friendship, to sport with the reputation, orsa^* 
crilice the honour of anotWir, is sometliing 
worse than weakness: and if, in favour of the 
foolish intesition, we do not call it a crime, 
we must allow, at least, that it arises from an 
overweaning, busy, meddling impudence. Ju- 
nius says, only, and he says truly, that it is more 
extraordinary ; that it involves a greater con- 
tradiction than the other; and, is it not a max- 
im received in life, that, in general, we can 
determine more wisely for others, than for 
ourselves ? The reason of it is so olear in ar- 
gutaent, that it hardly wants the conlirmation 
of experience. Sir William Draper, I confess, 
is an exception to the general rule, though not 
much to his credit. » 

4. If this gentleman will go back to his 
ethics, he may, perhaps, discover the ti'utli 
of what Junius says. Thai no oidivard tyranny 
can reach the mind. The tortuies of the body 
may be introduced, by way of ornament or 
illustration, to represent those of the mind; 
but, strictly, there is no similitude between 
them: they are totally different, both in their 
cause and operation. 'J"he wretch who sutlers 
upon the rack is merely passive : but, when 
the mind is tortured, it is not at the command 
of any outward power ; it is the sense of guilt 
which constitutes the punishment, and creates 
that torture, with which the guilty mind acts 
upon itself. 

6. He misquotes what Junius says of con- 
*science and makes the sentence ridiculous by 
making it his own. 

So much for composition. Now for fact. 
Junius, it seems, has mistaken the Duke of 
Bedford. His Grace had all the proper feelings 
of a father, though he took care to suppreas>. 
the appearance of them. Yet it was an qcea- 



JUNIUS. 137 

atioiij one wonld think, on which he need not 
Miiive been ashamed of his erief; on which 
less fortitude wcM'ld have dene iiim more ho- 
nour. I can conceive, indeed, a benevolent 
motive for iiis endeavouring to assume an air 
of tranquility in his own funiily ; and I wish I 
could discover any thinp, in the rest oi his 
character, to ustify my assigning that motive 
to tliis behaviour. But is there no medium ? 
Was it necessary to appear abroad, to ballot 
at the fndia-House, and make a public display, 
though it were only of an apparent insensi- 
bility ^ I know we are treading on tender 
ground; and Junius, I am convinced, does 
not wish to urge this question farther. Let the 
friends of tlie Duke of Bedford observe that 
humble silence which becomes their situation. 
They sliould recollect, that there are still 
some facts in store at which human nature 
would shudder I shall be understood by those 
whom it concerns, when I say, that these facts 
go further than to tlie Duke * 

It is not inconsistent to suppose, that a man 

* Uithin a fortnight after Lord Tavistoclj's 
death, tiie venerable Gertrude bad a rout at Red- 
foid house. The good Duke (who had only sixty 
thousind pounds a year) ordered an inventory to 
be taken of his son's wearing apporel. dovvn lo his 
slippers, sold them all, niid put the money in his 
pocket. The amiable IVIarchioness, shocked at 
such brutal unfeeling avarice, gave the v ■-liie of the 
clothes to the Viaiquis's seivant, out of lier own 
purse. That incomparable wom.n did not long 
survive her husb.nid. W lien she died. ti)e Duchess 
of Bedford treated her as the Duke hrid treated 
his only son ; she ordered every gown and trinket 
to be sold, and pocketed the money. These are 
the monsters whom ""ir William Draper comes for- 
ward to delend May God protect me tiom doing 
f^iy thing that may require such defence, or to de- 
serve such friendship. 



138 JUxYIUS. 

may be quite indifferent about one part of a 
charge, yet severely stung wllii another : antf* 
though he feels no remoMfe, that he may 
wish to be revenged. The charge of insensi- 
bility carries a reproach, indeed, but no dan- 
ger, with it. Junius had said, Tkcre are otk' 
€rs who would assassinate Modestus, knovving 
his uaan, will not sutler the insinuation to be 
divided, but fixes it all upon the Duke of 
Bedford. 

W^'ithout determining upon what evidence 
Junius would choose to be condeniiied, Iwill 
ve.Jiture to maintain, in opposition to Modes- 
tus, or to Mr. Kigby (who is certainly not 
Modesius) or any of the Bloomsbury gang, 
that the evidence against the Duke of Bedford 
is as strong as any presumptive evidence can 
be. It depends upon a combination of facts and 
reasoning, which require no contirniution 
from the anecdote ot the Duke of Marlbo- 
rough. This anecdote was referred to, mere- 
ly to show how ready a great man may be to 
receive a great bribe : and if Modestus could 
read the original, h^^* would see, that the ex- 
pression only not arccpfe.d., was, probably, the 
only one in oar language that exactly fitted 
the case. Tlie bribe oifered to the Duke of 
Marlborough was not refused. 

I cannot conclude without taking notice of 
this honest gentleman's learning, and wishing 
he had given us a little more of it. When he 
accidentally found himself so near speaking 
truth, it was rather unfair of him to leave out 
the non poiuisse refclli. As it stands, the pu- 
det hcEc approhrla may be divided equally be- 
tween Mr Rigby and the Duke of Bedford. 
Mr. Bigby, T take for granted, will assert his 
natural right to the modesty of the quotation, 
aad leave all the opprobrium to his Grace. ■^, 
TiilLO jur^ius. 



JUNIUS. 139 

LETTER XXX.S 

V 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

Sir, October 17, 17(>9. 

It is not wonderful that the great cause in 
which this country is engaged, should have 
roused and engrossed the whole attention of 
the people. I rather admire the generous spi- 
rit with which they feel and assert their inter- 
est in this important question, than blame 
them for their indift'erence about any otiier. 
When the constitution is openly invaded, 
when the first original right of the people, 
from wiiich all laws derive their authority, is 
directly attacked, inferior grievances natually 
lose their force, and are suillered to pass by 
without pu nishment or observation. The pre- 
sent Ministry are as singularly mai'ked by their 
fortune, as their crimes Instead of aton- 
ing for their former conduct, by any wise or 
popular measure, they have found, in the 
enormity of one fact, a cover and defence for 
a series of measures, which must have been fa- 
tal to any other administration. I fear we are 
too remiss in observing the whole of their 
proceedings. Struck with the principal Hgure, 
we do not sufficiently mark in what manner 
the canvas is filled up. Yet surely it is not a 
less crime, nor less fatal in Us consequences, 
to encourage a flagrant breach of the law, by 
a military force, than to make use of the forms 
of Parliament to destroy the constitution. 
The Ministry seem determined to give us a 
choice of difficulties, and, if possible, to per- 
])lex us with the multitude of their offences. 
The expedient is worthy of the Duke of 
Grafton. But though he has preserved a gra- 
dation and variety in his mensi;res, we should 
<^raember that the principle is uniform. Dic- 
tated by the same spirit, they deserve the sam^ 



140 JUNIUS. 

attention. The following fact, though of the^ 
most alarming nuiure, has not yet been clear- 
ly stated to the public; noi* have the conse- 
quences of it been ssifficiently understood. Had 
1 taken it up at an earlier period, I should have 
been accused of an uncandid, malignant pre- 
cipitation, as if ! watched for an unfair advan- 
tage against tlie Ministry, and would not allow 
them a reasonable time to do their duty. 
They now stand without excuse. Instead of 
employing the leisure they had, in a strict ex- 
amination" of the oftence, and punishing the 
ottenders, they seem to have considered that 
indul J:ence as a security to them : that, with 
a little time and inanagement, the whole af- 
fair might be buried in silence and utterly for- 
gotten. 

A major-general* of the army is arrested 
by the' sheriif's olrlcers for a considerable 
debt. He persuades them to conduct him to 
the Tilt-yard, in St James's Park, under some 
pretence of business, which it imported him 
to settle before he was confined. He applies 
to a sergeant, not immediately on duty, to as- 
sist, with some of his companions, in favour- 
ing his escape. He attempts it. A bustle enr 
sues. The bailiffs claim their prisoner. 

An officer of the guards,! not then on duty, 
takes part in the affair, applies to the lieute- 
naatt commanding the 'Jilt-yard guard, and 
urires him to turn "out his guard to relieve a 
general ofEcer. The lieutenant declines in-. 
terfcring in person, but stands at a distance, 
and suffers the business to be done. The offi- 
cer takes upon himself to order out the guard. 
In a moment they are in arm-, qsiit their guard, 
march, rescue the general, and drive away tixi# 

* Major-gener-^I (Jansel. + Lieutenant Dodj^j 
I Lieutenant Garth. 



JUNIUS. HI 

sheriffs officers, who, in vain, represent their 
right to the (jrisoner, and tJie nature ofthear- 
Vest. The soldiers lirst conduct the general 
into tlie j;nard-room, then escort him to a 
place of safety, with bayonets lixeJ, and iti all 
the forms ui military lriiimj)h I will not en- 
large upon tiie various circiintstajices which 
attended tliis atrocious proceeding. The per- 
sonal injury received ijy the ofi)«ers of the 
law, in llie execution of their duty, may, per- 
haps, be atoned for by some private compen- 
sation. I consider nothing but the wound 
which has been given to the law itself, to which 
no remedy has been applied, no satisfaction 
made. Neither is it my design to dv.^eU upon 
the misconduct of tlie parties concerned, any 
farther than is necessary to show the behaviour 
of the Mmisiry in its true light. [ -would make 
every compassionate allowance for the in- 
fatuation of the prisoner, the false and crimi- 
nal discretion of one officer, and the madness 
of another. I would leave the ignorant sol- 
diers entirely out of tlie question. They are 
certainly the least guilty : though they are the 
only persons who have yet suiFered, even in 
the appearance of puuir^hment.* The fact it- 
self, however atrocious, is not the principal 
point to be considered. Ft miglit have hap- 
pened under a more regular government, and 
with guards better disciplined than oiu's. The 
main (juestion is, in wiitt manner have the- 
Ministry acted on this extraordinary occasion ? 
A general ollicer calls upon the king's own 
guard, then actually on duty, to rescue him 
from the laws of his country: yet, at this mo- 
ment, he is in a situation no worse tiian if he 
had not committed an ollcnce equally enor- 
mous in a civil aud military view. A lieule- 

-^ * A few of them were- confined. 



143 JUNIUS. 

nant upon duty, designedly quits his guard, and 
suffers it to be drawn out by another officer, , 
for a purpose, which he well knew (as we^> 
may collect from an appearance of caution ^ 
which only makes his behaviour the more 
criminal) to be in the highest degree illegal. 
Has this gentleman been called to a court- 
martial to answer for his conduct? INo. Has it : 
been censured ? No. Has it been in any shape • 
inquiredinto? No Another lieutenant, not up- • 
on duty, nor even in his regimentals, is daring; 
enough to order out the kings guard, over ■ 
v^hich he had properly no command, and en- 
gages them in a violation of the laws of his 
country, perhaps the most singular and ex- 
travagant that ever was attempted, VV hat pun- 
ishment has he suffered? Literally none. Sup- 
posing he should be prosecuted at common i 
law for the rescue 5 will that circumstance, 
from which the Ministry can derive no merit, 
excuse or justify their suffering so flagrant ai 
breach of military discipline to pass by un- 1 
punished and unnoticed ? Are they aware of 
the outrage offered to their Sovereign, whem 
his own proper guard is ordered out to stop, , 
by main force^ the execution of his laws ? 
What are we to conclude from so scandalous^ 
a neglect of their duty, but that they have 
other views, which can only be answered byy 
securing the attachment of the guards ? Thee 
Minister would hardly be so cautious of of- 
fending them, if he did not mean, in due time,', 
to call for their assistance. 

With respect to the parties themselves, let 
it be observed, that these gentlemen are neither 
young officers, nor very young men. Had 
they belonged to the unfledged race of en-i 
signs, who infest our streets, and dishonour 
our public places, it might, perhaps, be suffi- 
cient tosend them back to that discipline fro^ . 
which their parents, judging lightly from Ifet'] 



JUNIUS. 143 

mat uri(y of iheir vices, had removed them too 
s(iOti. In tiiis case, I am sorry to see, not so 
»^iiu ti the loUy of youths, as the spirit of the 
jjorj"-, and the connivance of government. I 
do not question that tliere are many brave and 
v.'orthy ollicers in the regiments of guards. 
But considering them as a corps, 1 fear it will 
be foiind, that they are neither good soldiers 
nor ijood sul)jectsl Far be it from me to in- 
sinuate the most distant reflection upon the 
anny. On {iie contrary, I honour and esteem 
the profession ; and, if these gentlemen were 
belter soldiers, 1 am sure they w^ould be better 
subjects. It is not that there is any internal 
vice or defect in the profession itself, as regu- 
lated in this country, but that it is tlie spirit of 
this particular corps to despise their profession; 
and that, while they vainly assume the lead of 
the army, they make it matter of impertinent 
comparison, and triumph over the bravest 
trooi>s in the world (I mean our marching re- 
giments) that they, indeed, stand upon higher 
ground, and are privileged to neglect the labo- 
rious forms of military discipline and duty. 
Without dwelling loncer upon a most invidu- 
ous subject, I shall leave it to military men, 
who have seen a service more active thf^n the 
parade, to determine whether or no I speak 
tru!n 

ilow far this dangerous spirit has been en- 
coura^jed by government, and to what perni- 
cious n;irposes it may be applied hereafter, 
well deserves our most serious consideraiion. 
I know, indeed, that, when this aftair hap- 
pened, an atFectation of alarm ran through the 
ministry. Something must be done to save 
appearances. Tiie case was too ilagrant to be 
passed liy ab/soluleiy without notice. But how 
have they acted ? Instead of ordering the ofli- 
I^JTS concerned (and who, strictly speaking. 



144 JUNIUS. 

are alone guilty,) to be put under arrest, and. 
brought to trial, they would have it under- 
stood, that Ihey did their duty completely, in-' 
confining a sergeant and four private soldiers, 
until they should be demanded by the civil 
power : so that while the officers, who or- 
dered, or permitted the thing to be done, es- 
caped without censure, the poor men, who 
obeyed these orders, who, in a military view, 
are no way responsible for what they did, and 
who, for that reason, have been discharged 
by the civil magistrates, are the only objects 
whom the Ministry have thought proper to 
expose to punishment They did not venture 
to bring even these men to a court martial, 
because they knew their evidence would be 
fatal to some persons, whom they were de- 
termined to protect ; otherwise, I doubt not, 
the lives of these unhappy, friendless soldiers, 
would long since have been sacrificed, without 
scruple, to the security of their guilty officers. 

I have been accused of endeavouring to in- 
flame the passions of the people. Let me now 
appeal to their understanding If there be any 
tool of administration, daring enough to deny 
these facts, or shameless enough to defend the 
conduct of the ministry, let him come for- 
ward. I care not under what title he appears. 
He shall find me ready to maintain the truth : 
of my narrative, and the justice of my obser- 
vations upon it, at the hazard of my utmost t 
credit with the public. 

Under the most arbitrary governments, the ■ 
common administration of justice is suffered ' 
to take its course. The subject, though rob- 
bed of his share in the legislature, is still pro- 
tected by the laws. The political freedom of 
the English constitution, was once the pride 
and honour of an Englisliman. 'I'he civil 
equality of the laws preserved the property 



JUNIUS. U& 

and defended the safety of the subject. Are 
thrse glorious privileges the birthright of the 
people, or are we only tenants at the will of 
the Ministry? but tuat 1 know there is a 
spirit of resistance in the hearts of my country- 
men , that tiiey value lite, not hy its con- 
veniences, but by the independence and dig- 
nity of their condition ; 1 should, at this mo- 
ment, appeal only to their discretion. I should 
persuade them to banish from their minds all 
memory of what we \verc ; I should tell thera 
this is not a time to remember that we were 
Englishmen ; and give it, as my last advice, 
to make some early agreement witii the Mi- 
nister, that, cince it has pleased him to rob us 
of those political rights, which once distin- 
guislied the inhabitants of a country where 
honour was happiness, he would leave us at 
least the humble, obedient security of citisens, 
and graciously condescend to protect us in our 
submission. JUiS'IUS. 



LETTER XXXf. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser, 

SiK, November 14, 1769. 

The variety of remarks which have been 
made upon the last letter of Junius, and my 
own opinion of tiie writer, who, whatever 
may be his faults, is certainly not a weak man, 
have induced me to examine, uith some at- 
tention, the subject of that letter. I could uot 
persuade myself, that, while he had plenty of 
important materials, he would have taken up 
3 light or triiliiig occasion to attack the Minis- 
iry : much less could 1 conceive, that it wa? 

E 



14G JUiMUS. 

his intention to ruin the officers concerned m 
the rescue ofGeneral Gansc!, or to injure the^ 
General himself. These are little objects^ and ' 
can no way contribute to the great purposes 
he seems to have in view, by addressing him- 
self to the public. Without considering the 
ornamental slyie he has adopted, 1 deter- 
mined to look farther into the uiatler, before 
I decided upon the merits of his letter. The 
15 ret step I took was to iuijuire into the trulli 
of the facts ; for if these Avcre either false or 
misrepresented, the most artful exertion of his 
understandiug, in reasoning upon them, would 
only be a disgrace to him. Now, Sir, I have 
found every circumstance stated by Junius to 
be literally true. General Gansel persuaded 
the bailiffs to conduct him to the parade, and 
certainly solicted a corporal, and other sol- 
diers, to assist him in making his escape. Cap- 
tain Dudd did certainly apply to Captaisi 
davtb for tiie assistance of his guard. Captain 
Garth declined appearing himself, but stood 
aloof while the other took upon him to order 
out the King's guard, and by main force res- 
(;ued the General. It is also strictly true, that 
the General was escorted by a file of musque- 
teers to a place of security. These are facts,, 
Mr. Woodfall, which I promise you no gen- 
tleman in the guards will deny. If all, or any, , 
of them are false, why are they not contra- 
dicted by the ])art:es themselves.'' However' 
secure against military ceusuie, they have yet t 
a character to lose ^ and surely, if they are ; 
innocent, it is- not beneath them to pay some 
attention to ti.e opinion of the public. 

The force of .lUtiius'sobservatioasupon these 
facts cannot be l)etler marked, than by stating 
and refuting the objections which have been 
made to them. One writer says, " admitting 

Ihe o(1icei-s have oil'endcd.they are punisha?' 



JUNIUS. U7 

" ble at common law; and will you have a 
" British subject puiiislied twice for tiie same 
<' otlence ?" I answer that they liave com- 
mitted two ofFeiices, both very enormous, mid 
violated two laws, Tlio resrue is one offence, 
the flagrant i^reach of discipline another: and 
hitherto it does not apf)ear that tliey have 
been punis'.ied, or even censured, for either. 
Another gentleman lays much stress upon the 
calamity of tiie case; and, instead of dispro- 
ving facts, appeals at once to the compassion 
of the public. 'J'his idea, as well as the in- 
sinuation, that depriving the parlies of their 
commissions u-oxdd Ce an injury to their credi- 
tors, can only refer to General Gansel. The 
other ofiicers are in no distress; therefore, 
have no claim to compassion : nor does it 
appear that their creditors, if they have any, 
are more likely to be satisfied by their con- 
tinuing in the guards. But this sort of plea 
will not hold in any shape. Compassion to 
an offender, who has grossly violated the laws, 
is, in effect, a cruelty to the peacabie subject 
who has observed them: and, even admiiting 
the force of any alleviating circumstances, it 
is neveilheless true, that, in this instance, the 
royal compassion has interposed too soon. 
The legal and proper mercy of a King of Eng- 
land may remit the punishment, but ought not 
to stop the trial. 

Besides th.esc particular objections, there- 
has been a cry raised against Junius, for his 
malice and injustice in attacking the Ministry 
upon an event which they could neither hin- 
der nor forer.ee. Tliis I must aflirra, is u fiilse 
representation of his argument. He lays no 
.stress upon the cvtmt itself, as a ground of ac- 
cusation agninsi tiie Ministry, but dwells en- 
tirely upon thi.'ir sul'secjuent conduct. Ke 
' dites aot sav (bf^t thfv rrrp ansv\frf> !-•]•? for (h*j> 



148 JUNIUS. 

offence, but for the scandalous neglect of Iheip 
duty, in sult'eringan offence so ilagrant to pass 
by without notice or inquiry. Supposing them 
ever so regardless of what they owe to the 
public, and as indifferent about the opinion, 
as they are about the interests, of their coun- 
try, what answer, as officers of the crown, 
will they give to Junius, when he asks them, 
Are they aware of the outrage offered to their 
Sovereign., when his oivn proper guard is ordered 
out to stop, by main force, the execution of his 
laws? And when we see a Ministry giving 
such a strange, unaccountable protection to 
the officers of the guards, is it unfair to suspect 
that they have some secret and unwarranta- 
ble motives for their conduct? If they feel 
them.selves injured by such a suspicion, why 
do they not immediately clear themselves 
from it by doing their duty .'' For the honour 
of the guards, 1 cannot help expressing ano- 
ther suspicion, that if the commanding otiicer 
had not received a secret injunction to the 
contrary, he would, in the ordinary course of 
his business, have applied for a court martial 
to try the two subalterns : the one for quitting 
his guard ; the other for taking upon him the 
command of the guard, and employing it in 
the manner he did. I do not mean to enter 
into or defend the severity with which Junius 
treats the guards. On the contrary, I will I 
suppose, for a moment, that they deserve a i 
very dirlerent character, if this be true, in i 
what light will they consider the conduct of i 
the two subalterns but as a general reproach i 
and disgrace to the whole corps? And will i| 
they not wish to see tliem censured, in amili- 
tai-y Way, if it were only for the credit and I 
discipline of the regiment? • { 

Upon the whole, Sir, the Ministry seem to I. 
me to have taken ti very improper advantage"! 



JUNIUS. 149 

of the good nature of the public, whose hu- 
niHiiity, t'.iey foiiuJ, considered nothing in this 
alfair, but the distre^js of Genend Gansel They 
would persuade us, that it was only acommoa 
rescue by a fuw disorderly soldiers, and not 
the formal, deliberate uct of the King's guard, 
headed by an odicer; and the pubbc has fal- 
len into the nece[)tion I think, liiereforc, we 
are obliged to .lujiius for the care he has taken 
to inquire into the facts, and for the just com- 
mentary with wiiich he lias given them to the 
world. For my own [)art, 1 am as ujiwilling 
as any man to load the unfortunate ; but 
really. Sir, the pn-cedent, with respect to the 
guards, is of a most i.nportant nature, and 
alarming enough (considering the consequen- 
ces with which it may be attended) to deserve 
a parliamentary incjuiry. When tiie guards, 
are daring enough, not only to viobite their 
own discipline, but publicly, and wittj the 
most atrocious violence, to stop the execu- 
tion of the laws, and when such extraordinary 
otfences pass with impunity, believe me, Sir, 
the precedent strikes deep 

PHILO JUNIUS. 



LETTER XXXII. 

To the Printer of Ihe Public Mvetiiser. 

Sir, November 15, 1769. 

I ADMIT the claim of a gentleman, who pub- 
lishes in the Gaj^etteer under the name of Mo- 
destus. He has some right to ex[)ect an an- 
swer from me ; though I think, not so much 
from the merit or importance of his objections, 
"^3 from my own voluntary engagement, l 



150 JUNIUS. 

hr:tl a reason for not taking notice oi' luiii 
sooner, which, as he is a candid person, I be- 
lieve, lie will think sufficient. In my first 
letter, I took for granted, from the time which 
had elapsed, Ihat there was no intention to 
censare, or even to try, the persons concerned 
in ths rescue of General Gansel : but Modes- 
tus having since either alHrmed, or strongly 
insinuated, that the OiFenders might still be 
brOnght to a legal trial, any attempt to pre- 
judge the cause, or to prejudice the minds of 
a uuy, or a court-martial, would be highly im- 
proper. 

A man more hostile to the ministry than I 
am would not so often remind (hem of their 
duty. If the Diike of Grafton will not per- 
form the duty of his station, why is he Minis- 
ter.'' I will not descend to a scurrilous alter- 
cation witii any man ; but this is a subject too 
important to be passed over with silent indif- 
ference, ff the gentlemen, whose conduct is 
in question, are not brought to a trial, the 
Duke of Grafton shall hear from me again. 

T!ie motives on which I am supposed to 
have taken up this cause, are of little import- 
ance, compared with tlie facts themselves, and 
the observations I have made upon them. 
Witliout a vain profession of integrity, which 
in these times might justly be suspected, I 
shall show myself, in etlect, a friend to tlie in- 
terest of my countrymen ; and leave it to them 
to determine, whether I am moved by a per- 
sonal malevolence to three private gentlemen, 
or merely by a hope of perplexing the minis- 
try; or whether I am auimoted by a just and 
honourable purpose of obtaining a satisfaction 
to th^laws of tills country, equal, if possible, 
to the violation they have suffered. 

JUNIUS., 



<,' 



JUNIUS. 25 J 

LETTER XXXIII. 

To his Grace Ike Dnke of Grafton. 
My LojRD, jNovcmber 29, 176a. 

THouGjr my opiiiion of your Grace's inte- 
grity vviis but liltle afrectcd by Ihe coyness with 
which yon receiveil Mr. V au,;;liaivs proposals, 
I conleos i ,i.;ive you some creuii tor your dis- 
cretion. You had a fair opportunity of dis- 
playing a certain delicacy, of wiiich you had 
not been snsprctod, and you were in the right 
to make use of it. By hiying \ii a moderate 
stock of reputation, you undoubtedly meant to 
jirovide for tlie future nece.ssities of your cha- 
racter, tha*, with an lionourablo resistance 
upon r^ecord^ yon might safely indulge your 
genius, and yiehl to a favourite hiclination 
Avith security. Bat you liave discovered your 
j)urposes too soon; and, instead of the modest 
reserve of virtue, have shown us the terma- 
gant chastity of a prude, udjo gratifies her pas- 
sions wilii distinction, and prosecutes one 
lover for a r.pe, wiiile she solicits the lewd 
embraces of ariother. 

Vour cheek tarns pa-le : for a guilty con- 
srier)<;e 4;elis yon, you are undone. Come ; 
forward, thou virtuous minister, and tell tiie* 
world by what inlorest Mi-. Mine has been re- ' 
commended to so extraordinary a mark of his 
Majesty's favour; what w;is the price of the 
patent he has i)ouglit,and to what hononrablft 
])urpose (he pM4'cli>'<se money has been npplied, 
I\otijin;i; less than many thousands could pay 
Colonel Burguyne's expenses at Preston. Do 
you dara to prosecute such a creature as 
V'aughan, wl'.ile you iire basely setting up the 
Hoyal {)atronage to auction .? Do you dare to 
i:ompl.iiu of an attack upon ^'our own honoin% 



152 JUxNIUS. 

while you are selling the favours of the Crown , 
to raise a fund for corrupting the morals of 
the people ? And do you think it is possible 
such enormities should escape without im- 
peachment ? It is, indeed, highly your inter- 
est to maintain the present House of Com- 
mons. Having sold the nation to you in 
gross, they will undoubtedly protect you in 
the detail ; for, while they patronize your 
crimes, they feel for their own. JUISIUS. 



LETTER XXXIV. 

To his Grace the Duke of Grafton. 

My Lord, . December 12, 1769. 

I Find, with some surprise, that you are 
not supported asyotr deserve. Your most de- 
termined advocates have scruples about them, 
which you are unacquainted with ; and 
though there be nothing too hazardous for 
your Grace to engage in, there are some 
things too infamous for the vilest prostitute 
of a newspaper to defend.* In what other 
manner shall we account for the profound 
submissive silence, which you and your 
friends have observed upon a charge, which 
called immediately for the clearest refutation, 
and would have justified the severest meas- 
ures of resentment .'' I did not attempt to 
blast yoar character by an indirect, ambigu- 

* From the publication of the preceding to this 
date, not one word Avas said in defence of the 
Duke of Grafton. But vice and iini.nidence soon 
recovered tht^njselveg, and the sale of tlie royal fa- 
vour was openly avowed and defended. We ac 
knowledge the piety of St. James's, but what 13 
1?ecome of its morality ,? 



1UNIU3. loli 

0113 Insinuation ; but candiflly stated to you 
a plain fact, which struck direclly at the in- 
tegrity of a privy couns*;llor, of a firit com- 
missioiier of the treasiirv', and of a leading 
minister, who is supposed to enjoy tlie first 
share in his Majesty's confidence * Fn every 
one of these ^i;acific3, I emph»ye3 the mort 
moderate terms to char/e you with treachery 
to your soven-ifn, and breach of trust in yf)ur 
otfice. I acc'i'-'-d you of havin'z sobJ a patent 
place in the collecti«jn of the cu*tomi at Kxc- 
ter to one Mr. Hine, who, unable, or unwil- 
ling, to de|-Kjsit tiie whole pnrchase-money 
himself, raised part of it by contribution, and 
has no\* a certain Doctor Brooke f^uartr-red 
u{K>n the salary for one hundred pounds a 
year. >'o s;de by the caniJle was ever con- 
ducted with 'f!Ttii:\"r form?Jiiy. f affirm, that 
the price at wiiicli the' place wa.* knocked 
down (and which, I have ^cood rea„son to think, 
was not lets than three t!iOU*and five hundred 
pounds) waA, with your connivance and con- 
sent, paid to Colonel Bur;,'oyne, to reward 
him, I presume, for the decency of his de- 
portment at Pre«ton; or to reimburse him, 
perhaps, for the fine of one thousand pounds, 
w!iich5 for th^t very deportment, the court of 
Kin;i^'s Bench thought proner to set up<5n Jiim. 
It is not often that tlie Chief Justice and the 
Prime Minister are so strangely at variance 
in their opinions of men and things. 

I thank God, there is not in human nature 
a degree of impudence daring enou«rh to deny 
the charge T have fixed upon you Yonr cour- 
teous secretar\',f your confidential architect^ 

* And by the lame m*-ans preserves it to this hour. 
t Tommy Bradshaw. 

t Mr. Taylor He and George R«^>s« ^the Scotch 
agenl and worthy conSdent of Lord Maoafiekf) 
maaaged the business. 

H2 



154 JUNIUS. 

are silent as the grave. Even Mr. Rigby s 
countenance fails him. He violates his second 
nature, and blushes whenever he speaks of 
you. Perhaps the noble colonel himseif will 
reliev^e you. No man is more tender of his 
reputation. He is not only nice, but perfectly 
sore, in every thing that touches his honour. 
If any man, for example, were to accuse him 
of taking his stand at a gaming table, and 
watching, with the soberest attention, for a 
fair opportunity of engaging a drunken young 
nobleman at piquet, lie would, undoubtedly, 
consider it as an infamous aspersion upon his 
character, and resent it like a man of honour. 
Acquitting him, therefore, of drawing a regu- 
lar and splendid subsistence from any unwor- 
thy practices, either in his own house, or else- 
where, let me ask your Grace, for what milita- 
ry merits you have been pleased to rewaixl 
him w^ith military government? He had a re- 
giment of dragoons, which one would imagine 
was at least an equivalent for any services he 
ever performed. Besides, he is but a young of- 
ficer, considering his preferment; and except 
in his activity at Preston, not very conspicu- 
ous in his profession. But it seems the sale of 
a civil employment was not sufficient; and 
military governments, which were intended 
for the support of worn out veterans, must be 
thrown into the scale to defray the extensive 
bribery of a contested election. Are these the 
steps you take to secure to your Sovereign the 
attachment of his army? With what counte- 
nance dare you appear in the royal presence, 
branded, as you are, with the infamy of a no- 
torious Ijreach of trust ? With what counte- 
nance can you take your seat at the treasury 
board, or in the council, when you feel that , 
every circulating whisper is at your expense 
alone, and stabs you to th« heart? Have yoQ 



JUMl^. 155 

¥ .1 single friend in Parliament so shameless, so 
tliorouglily abandoned, as to undertake your 
defence? you know, tny Lord, that there is 
not a man in either honso, whose character, 
however flagitious, u'ould not lie ruined by 
mixing his reputation with yours: and does 
not your heart inform you that you are de- 
graded below the condition of a man, when 
you are obliged to bear these insults witli Sub- 
mission, and even to thank me for my mode- 
ration. 

V\'e are told by the highest judicial autiiori- 
ty, that Mr. Vauglmn's* oft'er to purchase the 
reversion of a patent place in Jamaica (which 
he was otherwise sufficiently entitled to) 
fmionnts to a high misdemeanor. Be it so ; 
and if lie deserves it, let iiim be punished. But 

* A little before the (Uiblicatirtn ortlii>, and the 
preceding letter, llie Duke of (jlrafton hud com- 
uiPiirod a pro^oculioii agiiinst Mr. Kamiicl Vaugli 
:in, for einieavnuiiiig toconupthis intcgcily.by an 
(.•.(Fer or five thousind poiiiids foi- a patt-nt place iii 
•Tarnaica. A ride to show cause why an inroimi- 
tlon should not be exhil)ited against V'an.di.ii) llv 
cert lis) ini'!d?!''?;inors, being granted l)y tl-r oourl 
of Kina,'s Bench, the nntter was soleuinly afgised 
on ll)e "JTlli of November, 17(iO, and l>y the unant- 
njon« opiiiiod oftlie four judges, tiie nilc v/as nude 
;ib=i >lnte. The pleading?' and speeciie? were accu- 
rately t\keu in short hand, and pul)!i--htd The 
whole ot" Lord ,VI.tn«Gtdd's speecli, and particular- 
ly tlie follnuing extracts Iroin it, drserve llie rea- 
der's alteiition. " A practice of the kind coni' 
" plains'd ofihere, is cei tuirily di^lfonnurnhle and 
" soand iloul Ij'a man ptandiiig under the rela- 
" tioii of an officer inider the King,or of a person in 
*' whom the King puts contidtuice, or of a Minister, 
"lakes money for the use of that contidence the 
^" Kin;^ puts in him, he basely betiays tlie Kingj 
" he basely betrays his trust. If the King sold the 
•' oifioe.it vrcadd be ar^in2^'-^!''^-'--"y 'o 'ho trust tUe. 



156 JtJNIUS. 

the learned Judge might have had a fnirei" ojV " 
portniiity of displaying the powers of his elo- 
qnonce. Having delivered himself, with so 
much energy, u|)on the criminal nature, and 
dc^ng rou? consetjuences of any attempt to 
corrupt i muj) of your Grace's station, what 
wouli- e have said to the Minister himself, to 
that ■ ery Privy Counsellor, to that first Cotxi- 
mission r of tije Treasviry, \v!io does not wait 
for, but im|)atient!y solicits, the touch of cor- 
ruption ; who emjiloys the meanest of his crea- 
tures in ti]ese honotirahle services; and, for- 
getting/; the tenius and fidelity of his secreta- 
ry, de'^cends to apply to his house builder for 
assistance. 

This affair, my Lord, will do infinite credit 
to government, if, to clear your character, 
you should think proper to bring it into the 
House of Lords, or into the court of King's 
Bench. But ray Lord, you dare not do either. 

JUINIUS. 

*' con?ti'utloti had reposed in him. The constitetion 
" does not intend the cro\vr) should sell those of- 
" fices to raise a nvenue oiit ot thcni Is it pom- 
" hie to he.sitatp, v/ht t^ (m this wonld not he crimi 
" n;il in the DtikeofGrafionp contrary to his duty 
*' as a Piivy Coiinseilor, contrary to li;s duty as ft 
*' Minister, contrary to jj^.dtity as a subject p His 
*' advice should he free, according to his judgnient. 
" It is the duty of his ofSce; he hath sworn to it," 
ISotwithst; nding a!! this, the Duke O; Grafton cer- 
tainly sold a patent place to \ir Hine, for three 
thousand five hundred pounds. If the House of 
Commons h^d done their duty, and iriipeached the 
Puke I'or this hreach of trust, how wofiilly must 
poor honest Vlansfield have hern puzzled ! His 
embarrassment would have afforded the most ri- 
diculous- scene that was ever exhibited. To save 
the j !g«^ 'I'om this perplexity, and_ the Duke*" 
from iinoeachraent, the prosecution against Vaugh- 
an was imaiediately dropped. 



JUiMUS. 157 

LETTER XXXV. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

Sir, December 19, 1769. 

When the complaints of a brave and power- 
ful people are observed to increase in propor- 
tion to the \vron[;s they have siiflfered, wiien, 
instead of sinkini; into submission, tliey are 
roused to resistance, the time will soon arrive 
at which every inferior consideration must 
yield to the security of the Sovereij^ri, and to 
the general safety of the state. There is a 
moment of difficulty and danger, at which 
flattery and falsehood can no longer deceive, 
and simplicity itself can no longer be misled. 
Let us suppose it arrived : let us supj)ose a 
gracious, well-intentioned prince, xnade sensi- 
ble, at last, of the great duty he owes to his 
people, and of his own disgraceful situation ; 
that lie looks round him for assistance, and 
asks for no advice, but how to gratify the 
wisljes and secure the happiness of his sub- 
jects. In these circumstances, it may be mat- 
ter of curious speculation to consider, if an 
honest man were permitted to approach a king, 
in what terms he would address himself to 
his sovereign Let it#e imagined, no matter 
bow improbable, that t'.ie iirst prejudice againat 
his character is removed ; that the ceremo- 
nious difficulties of an audience are surmount- 
ed ; that he feels himself animated by the pu- 
rest and mot honourable aflections to his 
King and country ; and that the great per- 
son v/hom he addresses has spirit enough 
to bid him speak freely, and understanding 
enough to listen to him with attention Un- 
acquainted with the vain impertinence of 
forms, he would deliver his sentiments with 
dignity and tii'mness. but not without respec^. ^ 



im JUNIUS. 

Sir, ^ I 

It is the misfortune of your life, and oci* 
ginally the cause of every reproach and dis- 
tress which has attended your government, 
that you should never have been acquainted 
Avith the language of truth, until you heard it 
in the complaints of your people. It is not, 
however, too late to correct the error of your 
education. We are still inclined to make an 
indulgent allowance for tiie pernicious lessons 
you received in your youth, and to form the 
most sangiiitie hopes from the natural bene- 
volence of your disposition * We are far from 

* The plan of the tutelage and future dominion 
over the heir apparent, laid many years ago, at 
Carlton-House, betneen the P. ifjcess Dowager and 
her favouiile the E;\rl ol Bute, was as gross ;md 
palpabie as that wliich wns concerted between 
Anne of Austria nnd (Jardinal Mazarine, to govern 
Ixouis the I'omteentli, and, in effect, to prolong hi^ 
nHiiority until the end of their lives. That piince 
had stroag natural pails, and nsed fiequently to 
blush for liis own ignor.mce and want of education, 
which had been ni!l\j!l.\ neglected by his mother 
a^i,d her minion, A little experience, however, 
"sfion shovied him bow shamefully he had been 
treated, and for what infamous piu'poses he had 
been kept in ignorance. Our great Edward, too, 
at an early period, had sense enough to understand 
t!ie nature of the connexion between his abandoned 
UiOther aud the detested Mortimer, ftiit, since 
tfiat time, human nature, we may observe, is 
greatly alteicd [or the better. Dowagers may be 
chas.te, and njinionsi n;ay be honest. When it was 
proposed to settle the present King's household, as 
Prince of Wales, it is well known,'thatthe Earl of 
Bute was forced into it, in direct contradiotion to 
the late King's inclination. That was the salliant 
l)oint from which all the mischiefs and disgraces of 
the present reign took life and motion. From that j 
jnomeut, Lord Bute never suffered the Prince of 
Wales to be an instant out of L'is si^ht. We need 
?iot look fariher. 



JUiMLS. iaiJ 

Shinkliig yoa capable of* a direct, deliberate 
purpose to invade those original rights of your 
subjects, on which all their civil and political 
liberties depend. Had it been possible for us 
to entertaiil a suspicion so dishonourable to 
your character, we should long since have 
adopted a style of remonstrance very distant 
froia the humility of complaint. The doctrine 
inculcated by our laws, Thai Ike K'mjs^can do 
no wrong, is admitted without reluctance. VVc 
separate the amiable, good natured prince, 
from the folly and treachery of his servants, 
and the private virtues of the man from tlie 
vices of his government. Were it not for th]s 
just distinction, I know not whether your Ma- 
jesty's condition, or that of the Englisii nation, 
would deserve most to be lamented. I would 
prepare your mind for a favourable.reception 
of truth, by removing every painful, otlensive 
idea af personal reproach. Your subjects, 
Sir, wish for nothing, but that, as they are rea- 
sonable and affectionate enough to separate 
your person from your government, so ;/(;!?, in 
your turn, siiould distinguish between the 
conduct which becomes the permanent digtiity* 
of a King, and tl«at which serves only to pro- 
mote the tempory interest and miserable am- 
bition of a Minister. 

You ascended tiie throne wilh a declared, 
and, I doubt not, a sincere resolution of giving^ 
universal satisfaction to your subjects. You* 
found them pleased witii the novelty of a young 
prince, whose countenance promised even 
more than :his words ; and loyal to you, not 
only from principle but passion. It was not 
a cold profession of allegiance to the fust ma,- 
gistrate, but a partial, animated attaclunentto 

^a favourite prince, the native of their country. 
They did not wait to examine your conduct, 
nor to be determined ]>y experiencej but gave 



160 JUNIUS. 

you a generous creilit for the future blessing^ 
of your relp), and paid you in advance the 
dearest tt-ibnte of their affections. Such, Sir,^ 
was once the disposition of a people, who 
now surround your throne with reproaches 
and complaints. Do justice to yourself. Ba- 
nish from your mind those unworthy opinions, 
with which some interested persons have la- 
boured to possess you. Distrust the men who 
tell you that the English are naturally light 
and inconstant ; that they complain without 
a cause. Withdraw your confidence equally 
from all parties ; from ministers, favourites, 
and relations; and let there be one moment 
in your life, in wiiich you have consulted your 
own understanding. 

When you affectedly renounced the name 
of Englishman, believe me, Sir, you were per- 
suaded to pay a very ill-judged compliment to 
one part of your subjects, at the expense of 
another. While the natives of Scotland are 
not in actual rebellion, they are undoubtedly 
entitled to protection : nor do I mean to con- 
demn the policy of giving some encourage- 
ment to the novelty of their aftections for the 
House of Hanover, I am ready to hope for 
every thing from their new ]>orn zeal, and 
from the future steadiness of their allegiance ; 
but, hitherto they have no claim to your fa- 
.|your. To honour them with a determined 
prexJilection and confidence, in exclusion of 
your »English subjects, who placed your family, 
and, in spite of treachery and rebellion, have 
supported it upon the throne, is a mistake too 
gross, even for the unsuspecting gewe|psity of 
youth. In this error, we see a capital viola- 
tion of the most obvious rules of policy .and 
prudence. We trace it, however, to an originai^^, 
bias in your education, and are ready to al- 
low for your inexperience. 



JUNIUS. 161 

To tlie same early influence we attribute it, 
that you have descended to take a share, not 
^only in the narrow views and int'M*ests of par- 
ticular persons, but in ttie fatal riiali;jiuty of 
their passions. Atyouraccessioii to the throne, 
the whole system of f!;()veriiment was altered, 
not from wisdom or deliberation, but because 
it had been adopted by your predecessor. A little 
personal motives of pique and resentmetit was 
sufficient to remove the ablest servants of the 
crown ;* but it is not in this country, 6ir, that 
such men can be dishonoured by the frowns 
of a King. They were dismissed but could 
not be disgraced. Without entering into a 
minuter discussion of the merits of the peace, 
we may observe, in the im})rudent hurry with 
which the fh'st overtures from France were ac- 
cepted, in the conduct of the neaociation, and 
terms of the treaty, tl^e strongest marks of that 
precipitate spirit of concession, with which a 
certain part of your subjects have been at all 
times ready to purchase a peace with the na- 
tural enemies of this country. On your part 
we are satisfied that every thing was honour- 
able and sincere ; and, if England was sold to 
France, we doubt not that your INlajesty was 
equally betraved. The conditions of thfe peace 
were matter of grief and surprise to your sub- 
jects, but not the immediate cause of their 
present discontent. 

Hitherto, Sir, you have been sacrificed to 
the prejudices and passions of others. With- 
what firmness will you bear the ment'on of 
your own ? 

A man, niot very honourably distinguished 

* One of the first acts of the present reii^n wa? to 
dismiss Mr. Legge, because he had, some ye^^rs be- 
fore, refused to yield his interest in Hampshire to a 
Scotchman, recommended by liOrd Bute, This 
, was the reason publicly assigned by his Lordship. 



in the world, commences a foriTial Pttack upon 
your favourite, consideriug notliitig hut iiow 
lie might best expose his person and pi'i«<;ipler^ 
lo detestation, and the national character of 
liis countrymen to conteiii[)t. 'I'lie natives of 
thai coiiiitry, Sir, are as much distingiiisheti 
by a pcccliar character as by your Majesty's 
favour. Like anotiier chosen jieople, Ihey 
have been conducted into the land of j)lenty, 
■vvhcre (he}' find themselves elfectualiy maik- 
cd, and ilivided from mankind. There is 
hardly a period at which the most iri'egular 
character may not be redeenjed. T!ic mis- 
takes of one sex find a retreat in patriotism, 
those of the other in devotion. Mr. Wilkes 
brouglit with him into .politics the same libe- 
ral sentiments by which !)is f)rivate conduct 
had been directed; and seemed to4hink, that^ 
as there are few excesses in Avhich an Enalish 
gentleman may not be permitted to indulge, 
the same latitude was allowed him in the 
choice of his poJiticaJ principles, a«d m the 
spirit of maintaining them. I mean to staff, 
not etitii"ely to defend, his conduct. !« the 
earnestness of his zeal, he sufiered some un- 
jXvarraij table insinuations to escape him. He 
* aid more than moderate men could justify ; 
but not enough to entitle him to th^c lion-our 
of yota* Majesty's personal resentment. The 
rays of royal indignation, collected upon him, 
served only to illuminyte, and coiJ.id not con- 
(kume. Animiited by the favour of the f)eopl3 
on the one side, and heated by perseculion on 
the other, his views and sentiments changed 
with his situation. Hardly serious at tirsi, he 
is now an enthusiast. The coldest bodies 
warm with opposition, the hardest sparkle in 
collision. There is a holy mistaken z:eal in 
j)olitics, as well as religion By persuading 
othcrs; W8 convince ourselves. 'Jbe pas?ion*U 



JLiMUSv 163 

arc engaged, and create a materual affection 
in the mind, which forces us to love the cuuse 
for wliich we suffer. Is this a contention vvor- 
lliy of a king ! Are you not sensible how much 
the meanness of the cause gives an air of ridi- 
cule to the serious difficulties into which you 
have been betrayed? The destruction of one 
man has been now, for many years, tiie solo 
object of your governuienf ; and, if there can 
be any thing still more dis;;raccfui, we iiave 
seen for such an object, the utmost influence 
of the executive i)ower, and every ministerial 
artilice, exerted rwithout success. Nor c.m 
you ever succeed, unless he should be impru- 
dent enough to forfeit the protection of those 
laws to which you owe your crown ; or unless 
your ministers should persuade you to make 
it a (juestlon of force alone, and try the wliole 
strength of government in opposition to the 
people. The lessons he has received, from 
experience, will probably guard him from such 
excess of folly ; and, in your Majesty's virtues, 
Ave find an unquestionable assurance, that no 
illegal violence will be attempted. 

Far from suspecting you of so horril)le a 
design, we would attribute the continued vio- 
lation of the laws, and even this last enor- 
mous attack upon the vital principles of the 
constitution, to an ill-advised- unworthy, per- 
sonal resentment. From one false step you 
have been betrayed into another ; and, as 
the cause was unworlhy of you, your minis- 
ters were determined that the pimdence of 
"the execution should correspond with the 
wisdom and dignity of the design. They have 
reduced you to the necessity of choosing out 
of a variety of difficulties ; to a situation so 
unhappy, that you can neither do wrong with- 
out ruin, or right without affliction. These 
"^•worthy servants have undoubtedly given you, 



164 JUNIUS. I 

many singular proofs of their abilities. Nott 
contented with making Mr. Wilkes a man of j 
importance, they have judiciously transfer— 
ed the question irom (he rights and interests: 
of one man, to the most important rights and : 
interests of the people ; and forced your sub- 
jects, from wishing well to the cause of an in- 
dividual, to Unite with him in their own. Leti 
them proceed as tiiey have begun, and your 
mhjesty need nut doubt that the catastrophe ■ 
will do no dishonour to the conduct of the 
piece. 

The circumstances to which you are redu^ 
ced, will not admit of a compromise with the 
English nation. Undecisive, qualifying mea- 
sures, will disgrace your government still 
more than open violence : and, without satis- 
fying the people, will excite their contempt. 
They have too much understanding and spi- 
rit to accept of an indirect satisfaction for a 
direct injury. Mothing less than a repeal, as 
formal as the resolution itself, can heal the 
wound which has been given to the constitu- 
tion, nor will any thing less be Accepted. I 
can readily believe, that there is an inlluence 
sufficient to recall that pernicious vote. The 
House of Commons undoubtedly consider 
their duty to the Crown as paramount to all 
other obligations. To us they are only in- 
debted for an accidental existence, and have 
justly transferred their gratitude from their 
parents to their benefactors ; from those who 
gave them birth, to the minister, from whose 
benevolence they derive the comforts and 
pleasures of their political life ; who has ta- 
ken the tenderest care of their infancy, and 
relieves their necessities without offending 
their delicacy But, if it were possible for 
their inte?:rity to be degraded to a condition 
so vile and abject, that; conapa:red with it, the- 



JUNIUS. 165 

present' estimation they stand in, is a state o(" 
Jionour ami respect ; consider, Sir, in wliat 
manner you will afterwards proceed. Can you 
conceive that tiic people ottliis country will 
long submit to be governed by so flexible a 
House of Commons ? It is not in the nature 
of human society, that any form of govern- 
ment, in such circumstances, can long be pre- 
served, in ours, the general contempt of the 
people is as fatal as their detestation, bucli, 
1 am j)ersuaded, would be the necessary eifect 
of any base concession made by the present 
House of Commons ; and, as a <jualifying mea- 
sure would not be accepted, it remains for 
5'ou to decide, whether you will at any ha- 
zard, support a set of men who have reduced 
you to this unhappy dilemma, or whctiieryou 
will gratify the united wishes of the whole 
people of England, by dissolving the parlia- 
ment. 

Taking it for granted, as I do v»ry sincere- 
ly, that you have personally no design against 
tlie constitution, nor any view inconsistent 
with the good of your subjects, I think you 
cannot hesitate long upon the choice which it 
equally concerns your interest and your ho-f 
nour to adopt. On one side, you hazard the 
atfection of all your English subjects ; you re- 
lincjuish every hope of re{)ose to yourself, and 
you endanger the establishment of your fa- 
mily forever. All this you venture tor no ob- 
ject whatsoever; or, for such an oltject as it 
would be an allVont to you to name. Men of 
sense will examine your conduct with suspi- 
cion ; while those, who are incapable of com- 
prehending to what degree they are injured, 
attlict you with clamours equally insolent and 
unmeaning. Supposing it possible (hat no fa- 
tal struggle should ensue, you determine at 
'^(^\n;(i. to be unhappy, witSiont tl'.e hope of a 



16© JUNIUS, 

compensation, either from interest or ambi^ 
tion. If an English King be hated or despi-'^ 
&ed, he must be unhappy: and this^ perhaps^ 
is the only political trnth which he ought to 
be convinced of without experiment. But, if 
thfe English people should no longer confine 
their resentment to a submissive representa- 
tion of their wrongs ; if, following the glorious 
example of their ancestors, they should no 
longer appeal to the creature of the constitu- 
tion, but to that high being, who gave them 
the rights of humanity, Avhose gifts it were 
sacrilege to surrender, let me ask you. Sir, 
upon what part of your subjects would you 
rely for assistance ? 

The people of Ireland have been uniformly 
plundered and oppressed. In return, they give 
you every day fresh marks of tlieir resent-, 
ment. They despise the miseraljle governor* 
you have sent them, because he is the creature 
of Lord Bnte : nor is it from any nativral con- 
fusion in their ideas, that they are so ready to 
eonfound the original of a king, with the dis- 
graceful representation of him. 

The distance of the colonies would make it 
impossible for them to take an active concern 
in your aiFairs, if they were as well affected 
to your government, as they once pretended 
to be to your person. They were ready 
enough to distinguish between you and your 
ministers. They complained of an act ol" tlie 
legislature, but traced the origin of it no high- 
er than to the servants of the crown: they 
pleased themselves with the hope that their 
Sovereign, if not favourable to their cause, at 
least was impartial. The decisive personal 
part you took against them has effectaally 

* Viscount Townshend, sent over on the plan cf i' 
being resident Governor. The lii;-toiy ot his ridl*' 

culcM-s ndiTur.istration ?hRl] net b*? lost to the piiWicv . 



JUNIUS. 1^7 

baini.l)ed that fiist tllslinctioii fVoni their 
luitids." Tliey consider you as united with 
voiir sorvants against America^ and know 
how to di-tinguish tiie Sovereign and a venal 
jiarliament on one side, from tlie real sen- 
timents of the Kntrlish people on the other. 
Lool-iins; forward to independence, they might 
possibly receive yoti for tiieir King: but, if 
ever yon retire to Americ.t, be assured, (hey 
will give you stich a covenant to digest, as 
tiie presbytery of S/otland would have been 
ashamed to oiler to Charles the Second. 
T!)ev left their native land in search of free- 
dom, and found it in a desert. Divided as 
they are into a thousand forms of policy and 
religion, there is one point in which, they ill 
agree : they equally detest the pageantry of a 
king, and the supercilijus hyj>ocnsy of a 
bishop. 

It is not ti}en, from the alienated affections 
of Ireland or Atnerica, that yon can reasona- 
bly look for assistance ; still less from the peo- 
ple of England, who are actually contending 
for their I'ights, and in tiiis great ques^tion are 
parties against you. Yon arc not, however, 
destitute of every appearance of sujiport ; you 
have all the Jacobites, Non-jurors, Roman 
Catholics, and Tories of this country, and all 
Scotland without exception. Considering from 

■•■■ In the Ki:i5'« spereli of iVovomi)e!otb, iTtiS, it 
wa»dt'C.l;\it(J, "• Tiiat the si^ii it nt f.iction had bro- 
" ken ^iit ;dVe-;h in some of the colouie!.', and, iu 
" one of tJK^ai proceeded to act« of violence and 
** rcsist-incc to the executioti of the laws ; that 
'' Boston was in a state of disohodiriice to all 
" laws and govcinniciit, and had [jroccrdcd to 
" measures subversive of tbe cotLstitiilion, and at 
" tpnrl.'d wllli circiimstai>ces that m;initV';ited a di>-' 
" poiiiion to throw oinheir (i«'[ Ciich nee on CJifa' 
■^'iJiiti;:,," 



168 JUNIUS.. 

what family you are descended, the choice of 
your friends has been singularly directed j > 
and truly, Sir, if you had not lost the whig in- 
terest of England, 1 should admire your dexter- 
ity in turning the hearts of your enemies. Is 
it possible for you to place any confidence in 
men, who, before they are faithful to you, 
must renounce every opinion, and betray every 
principle, both in church and state, which they 
inherit from their ancestors, and are confirm- 
ed in by their education ? whose numbers are 
so inconsiderable, that they have long since 
been obliged to give lip the principles and 
language wbich distinguish them as a party, 
and to fight under the banners of their ene- 
mies ? Their zeal begins with hypocrisy, and 
must conclude in treachery. At first they de- 
ceive — at last they betray. 

As to the Scotcli, I must suppose your 
heart and understanding sobiassed, from your 
earliest infancy, in their favour, that nothing 
less than your own misfortunes can undeceive 
you. You will not accept of the uniform ex- 
perience of your ancestors ; and when once 
a man is determined lo believe, the very ab- 
surdity of the doctrine confirms him in his 
faith. A bigoted understanding can draw a 
proof of attachment to the House of Hano- 
ver, from a notorious zeal for tiie House of 
Stuart, and find an earnest of future loyalty 
in former rebelions. Appearances are, how- 
ever, in their favour : so strongly indeed that 
one would think they had forgotten that you 
are their lawful King, and had mistaken you 
for a Pretender to the Ciown Let it be ad- 
mitted then, that the Scotch are as sincere in 
their present professions, as if you were, in 
reality, not an Englishman, but a Briton of 
the JSorth. You would not be the first prince^ 
of their native country, against whom the<^' 



jtiNius. m 

have rebelled, nor the first whom they have 
basely betra\ed. Have you forgotten, Su", or 
has your favourite concealed from you that 
part uf our history, when tiie unhappy 
(.'liarlt'S (and lie too had private virtues) lied 
from the open, avowed indign.dion of his 
English subjects, and surrendered himself at 
discretion to the good faith of his own coun- 
trymen ? Without looking for support in their 
affections as sui)jects, he applied only to their 
honour, as frentleniet), for protection. They 
received him, as they would your Majesty 
with bow?, and smiles, and falsehood, and 
kept him until they had settled their bargr.in 
with the English parliament; then basely sold 
their native King to the vengeance of his ene- 
mies. This, Sir, uas not the act of a few trai- 
tors, but the deliberate treachery of a Scotch 
parliament, representing the nation. A \\ ise 
prince might draw from it two lessons of equal 
utility to himself. On one side, he might leai'n 
to dread the utulisguised resentment of a ge- 
nerous people, who dare openly assert their 
rights, and who, in a just cause, are ready to 
meet their Sovereign in the field. On tho 
other side, he would be taught to apprehend 
something far more formidable ; a fawning 
treachery, against which no prudence can 
guard, no courage can defend. The insidious 
smile upon the cheek would warn him of the 
canker in the heart 

From the uses to which one part of the ar- 
my has been too frequently a})plied, you 
have some reason to expect thi-t there are no 
services they would refuse. Here, too, we 
trace the partiality of your understanding. 
You take the sense of the army from the con- 
duct of the guards, with tlie same justice with 
which yon collect tlie sense of the people 
^from the representations of the Miijislrv. YQm 



170 JUNIUS. 

marching regiments, Sir, will not make the 
gu;iri!s ihesr examj)le, either as soldiers or sub- 
jects, iliey teel, and re^enl, as tney uu^iUto "^ 
do, that invariable, undistmguishiug t.tvour 
with which the guarus are treaied ;* while 
those gallant troops, by whom every hazard- 
ous, every Idborious service is jiertormed, are 
lelt to [lerish in garrisons abroad, or pine in 
quarters at home, neglected and forgotten. If 
they had no sense of the great original duty they 
owe to their country, then* resenlment would 
operate like patriotism, and leave your cause 
to be defended by thyse on whom you have 
lavished tlie rewards and honours of iheir pro- 
fession. The Fra3torian bands, enervated aud 
debauched as they were, had still strength 
enough to awe the Roman populace ; but 
when the distant legions took the alarm, tiiey 
marched to Rome, and gave away the empire. 
On this side, then, whichever way you turn 
your eyes, you see nothing but perplexity and 
distress. You may determine to support the 
very Ministry who have reduced your affairs 
to this deplorable situation ; you may shelter 
yourself under, the forms of a parliriment, and 
set the pf?oj)le at defiance ; but be assured, Sir, 
that such a resolution would be as imprudent 
as it would be odious. If it did not imme- 

* rhe number of commissioned officers in the 
guaids are lo the maiehing regiments as cue to 
eleveu: the number of sesjiments given to the 
guards, compared vvith those given to the line, is 
about tlnee to one al a moderate com; utation ; 
consequently, the partialit}' in favour of the guards 
is as thirty three to one So mvcli lor the officers. 
The piivi-.te men have tour jience a day to subsist 
on, and five hundred lasher il lliey desert Under this 
puni^inneiit they iiequentiy exi-ire W ilh these en- 
couiagemeuls, il is supposed, diey may be depend- 
ed upon, whcve^ a person thinks it necessary to^^ 
butcher his feiiosy subjects. 



JUNIUS. m 

lately shake your establishment, it would roU 
you ot your peace of mind forever. 

On the other, liow dilierent is the prospect! 
How easy, how safe and lionourable is the 
path before you ! The English nation declare 
they are grossly injured by their representa- 
tives, and solicit your Majesty to exert your 
lawful prerogative, and give them an oppor- 
tunity of recalling a trust, which they find has 
been scandalously abused. You are not to be 
told that the power of the House of Commons 
is not original, but delegated to them for the 
welfare of tlie people from whom they re- 
ceived it. A question of right arises between 
the constituent and the representative body. 
By what authority shall it be decided .-* \\\\l 
your iVlajesiy interfere in a question, in which 
you have, properly, no immediate concern.^ 
It would be a step equally odious and unne- 
cessary. Shall the Lords be called uj)on to 
determine the rights and privileges of the 
Commons ? They cannot do it without a fla- 
grant breach of the constitution. Or, will you 
refer it to the judges ? They have often told 
your ancestors that the law of parliament is 
al)ove them. What part then remains but to 
leave it to the people to determine for them- 
selves ? They alone are injured ; and since 
there is no superior power to which the cause 
can be referred, Ihey alone ought to deter- 
mine. 

I do not mean to perplex you with a tedious 
argument upon a subject, already so discussed, 
that inspiration could hardly throw a new light 
upon it. There are, however, two points of 
view in which it |)articularly imports your 
Majesty to consider the late proceedings of 
the House of Commons. By depriving a sub- 
ject of his birth-right, they hiive attributed to 
their owa vote an authority equal to an act of 






112 JUNIUS. 

the vvliole legislature; and though, perliap?^ 
not witli the same motives, have strictly fol- 
lowed the example ot" the Long rarlia'mcnt, 
wiiich first declared the regal ollicc useless, 
and soon utter, with hs little ceremony, dis- 
solved the Moase of Lords. 'Jhe same [ire- 
tended power which robs an English subject 
of his birth-right, may rol) an Enidish King oi 
his crown hi .mother viev,, the resolution 
of the House of Commons, apparently not so 
dangerous to your Majesty is still more alarm- 
ing to your people. Not contented with di- 
vesting one man of his right, they have arbi- 
trarily conveyed that right to another. They 
liave set aside a retnrn as illegal, without da- 
ring to censure those officers, who are parti- 
cidarly apprii?ed of iVir. Wilkes's incapaeity, not 
only by the declaration of the House, but ex- 
pressly hy the writ directed to them, and who ne- 
vertheless, returned him as duly elected. Tliey 
Lave rejected the majority of votes, the only 
criterion by which our laws judge of the sense 
of the people; they have transferred the right 
of election from the collective to the repre- 
sentative body; and by these acts, taken se- 
parately or together, they have essentiallj'- al- 
tered the orisii'.al constitution of the House of 
Commons. Versed, as your Majesty undoul)t- 
edly is, iti the English history, it cannot easily 
escape you, how much it is your interest as 
Vv^ell as your duty, to prevent one of the three 
estates from encroachins:; upon the province 
of the other two, or assuming the authority of 
them all. When once they have departed 
from the great constitutional line, by which 
all their proceedings should be directed, who 
will answer for tlieir future moderation .' Or 
•what assurance Avill they give you that when 
they have trampled i}\n)n tlieir enuals, tJiey 
wiil su.b!?^ii tor si'.peVior.' Your Majesty may 



juxrus. 173 

learn hereai'ler how nearly the slave and ty- 
rant are alliful. 

Some oC your council, more candid thr>n thfi 
rest, admit tlie abandoned prodit-iacy uf the 
prest'nt House of Commons, but oppose their 
dissohition, nf)on an opinion, I confess, not 
very unwarrantable, that then- su(;ce.ssors 
would be e<jually at the disposal of tiie trea- 
sury. I <;annot persuade myself that' tiie na- 
tion will have prolitled so little by oxperience. 
But if thai opinion w.-re well founded, you 
mi;;ht then i.',ra(il'y our wishes at an easy rate, 
and appease the presiMil clamo'ir against your 
government, without ottering any material in- 
jury to the favourite cause of corru[;tion 

You have still an honourable part to act. 
The afiections of your subjects may still be 
recovered, but before you subtJue their 
hearts, you mnst gain a nolile victoiy ovt«* 
you«* own. Discard those little personal re- 
sentniimls, wiiich have too lonn (Jirectcd 
yoiu- pfdilic conduct. Pardon this man the 
remainder of his punishment; and, if resent- 
ment still [ircvails, make it, what it siiould 
have been long since, an act, hot of m«"rcy, 
but of contempt. Me will soon fall back into 
his natural station ; asilent senator, and hardly 
supporting tiie weekly eloqtience of a news- 
paper 'I'he gentle breath of peace would 
leave hini on (he surface, neglected and un- 
removed. It is only the tempest that lifts hiiri 
from his place. 

Without <;onsidling your Minister, call to- 
gether your whole council. Let it apf)evir to 
tlie public, that yon can determine and act 
for yourself, (.'ome forward to yom* people. 
I<ay a'-ide tlie wretched formalities of a King, 
and sj)o;»k (o your subjects with the s|)irit of a 
in^'n,aiui in tlie lan;/uae;eof agentleman. Tell 
Ihem you have been fatally deceived. The 



Vf4 JlfNIUS. 

acknowledgment will be no disgrace, but Fa- 
ther an honour, to your understanding Tell 
them you are determined to remove every 
cause of complaint against your government ; 
that you will give your confidence to no man, 
who does not possess the confidence of your 
subjects ; and leave it to tbemseves to deter- 
mine, by iheir conduct at a future election, 
W'lethar or no it be, in reality, the general 
sense of the nation, that their rights have been 
arbitrarily invaded by the present House of 
Commons, and the constitution betrayed. 
They will then do justice to tbeir represeta- 
tives and to themselves. 

rhese sentiments. Sir, and the style they 
are '.-onveyeJ in, may be oiFensive, perhaps, 
because they are new to you. Accustomed 
to tiie language of courtiers, you measure their 
affections by the vehemence of their expres- 
sions ; and vvhen they only praise you indif- 
ferently, you admire the sincerity But this 
is not a time to trifle with your fortune. They 
deceive you, Sir, who tell you that you have 
many friends, whose affections are founded 
upon a principle of personal attachment The 
first foundation of friendship is not the power 
of conferring benefits, but the equality with 
which they are received, and may be returned. 
The fortune which made yoa a King, forbade 
you to have a friend. It is a Ihw of nature, 
which cannot be violated with impunity The 
mistaken Prince, who looks for friendship, 
will find a favou-ite, and in that favourite the 
ruin of his atfairs 

The peojil ^ of England are loyal to the 
Hciuse of Hanover; not from a vain prefer- 
ence of one family to another, but from a con- 
viction, that the establishment of that family 
was necessary to thesupportof their civil and 
religious liberties. This, Sir, is a principle iaf 



JUNIUS. 115 

allegiance equally solid and rational : fit for 
Ell .:lishn;ien to Jidopt, and well worthy of your 
M.ijesty's encouragement. We catniot long 
be deluded by nominal distinctions. The name 
ofStuart,ofitself, is only contemptible ; armed 
witn the sovereign authority, their principles 
are formidable The prince who imitates 
their conduct, should be Wi»rned by their ex- 
ample ; and, while he plumes himself upon 
the security of his title to the crown, should 
remein!)crj that, as it was acquired by one re- 
volution, it may be lost by another. 

JUiNIUS. 



LETTER XXXVI. 

To his Grace the Duke of Grafton. 

My Lord, February 14, 1770.. 

If I were personally your enemy, I might 
pity and fori^ive you You have every claim 
to compassion that can arise from misery and 
distress. The condition you are reduced to, 
would disarm a fwivale en?tny of his resent- 
ment, and leave no consolation to the most 
vindictive spirit, but that such an objrct as 
you are would disgrace the disunity of revenge. 
But, in the relation you have borne to this 
country, you have no title to indulgence ; and 
if I had followed the dictates of mv owa 
opinion, I never should iiave allowed you the 
reS|)ite of a moment In your public charac- 
ter, yon have injuredeverysuijject of the em- 
pire; and though an individual is not au- 
thorized to f;)rgi ve the iijnries done to society, 
he is called upon to assert his separate share 
in the public resentment. 1 submitted, how- 



116 JUNIUS. 

ever, to the judgment of men, more mode- 
rate, perhaps more candid, than myself. For 
my own part, I do not pretend to understand 
those prudent form? of decorum, those gentle 
ruiesof discretion, which some men endeavour 
to ;jaite with the conduct of the greatest and 
most hazardous affairs. Engaged in the de- 
fence i>f an honourable cause, I would take a 
decisive, part I should scorn to provide for 
a future retreat, or to keep terms with a man 
who preserves no measures with the public, 
iNeitber the abject submission of desertmg his 
post in the hour ol danger, or even the* sacred 
shield of cowardice should protect him, I 
would pursue him through life, and try the 
last exertion of my abilities to preserve the 
perishable infamy of his name, and make it 
immortal 

Whet then, my Lord? Is this the event of 
all the sacrhicesyou have made to Lord Bute's 
patronage, and to your own unfortunate am- 
bition ? Was it for this you abandoned your 
earliest friends'jips, the warmest connexions 
of your youth, and all those honourable en- 
gagements l)y whiv^h you once solicited, and 
might have acquired, the esteerii of your coun- 
try ? Have you secured no recompense for 
such a wfisteof honour? Unhappy man ! what 
party will receive the common deserter of all 
parties ? Without a client to flatter, without a 
friend to console you, and with only one com- 
panion from the honest house of Bloomsbury, 
you must now retire into a dreadful solitude. 
At the most active period of life you must quit 
the busy scene, and conceal yourself from the 
world, if you would hope to save the wretched 
remains of a ruined reputation. The vices 

* — Sacro tremuere. fimore. Every coward pre^ 
fends to be planet struck. 



JUNTOS. 177 

operate like age, brin;^ on disease before its 
lime, and in thevprime of youth leave the 
chanicler broken and exhausted. 

Yet your conduct has been mysterious, as 
well as contemptible. Where is now that 
firmness, or obstinacy, so Ions; boasted of by 
your friends, and acknowledged by your ene- 
mies? We were tauglitto expect thatyou would 
not leave t!ic ruin of this country to be com- 
pleted by otlier hands, but were determined 
cither to gain a decisive victory, over the 
constitution, or to perish bravely, at least, be- 
hind the last dyke of the prerogative. You 
knew the danger, and might have been pro- 
vided for it. 

You took sufficient time to prepare for a 
meeting with your pariiitnierit, to confirm the 
mercenary (idelity of your dependents, and to 
suggest to your Sovereign a bmguage suited 
to his dignity at least, if not to his benevolence 
and wisdom. Yet, while the whole kingdom 
was agitated with anxious expectation upon 
one great point, you meanly evaded the ques- 
tion, and, instead of the explicit firmness and 
decision of a king, gave us nothing but the 
misery of a ruined* grazier, and the whining 
|)iety of a r»Iethodist. We had reason to ex- 
pect, that notice would have been taken of 
the petitions which the King had received 
from t!ie English nation ; and altiiough I can 
conceive son>e personal motives for not yield- 
ing to th^m, I can find none, in common pru- 
dence or decency, for treating them with con- 
tempt. Be assured, my Lord, the English 
])eople will not tamely submit to this un- 
wtu-lhy treatment. They had a right to be 
heard ; and their petitions, if not granted, de- 

' * There was somt-tlung wonderfully pathetic ia 
the mention of the horned cattle. 
I 2 



17S^ JtJMUS. 

served to be considered. Whatever be the 
real vie.vs and doctr.nes of a court, the Sove- 
reigfi should be tauijht to preserve some forms 
of attention to his subjects ; ;ind, if he will not 
redress tlieir grievances, not to make them a 
to|iic of jest and mockery among lords and 
I ladies of the bed chamber. Injuries may be 
i atoned for and forgiven ; but insults admit of 
/no compensation They degrade the mind in 
its own esteem, and force it to recover its 
level by revenge. This neglect of the peti- 
tions was, however, a part of your original 
j>lan of government ; nor will any conse- 
quences it has {iroduced, account for your de- 
serting your Sovereign, in the midsts of that 
distress, in which you and your* new friends 
have involved him. One would think, my 
Lord, you rnig!it have taken tliis spirited re- 
solution before you had dissolved the last of 
those early connexions, which once, even in 
your own opinion, did honour to your youth ; 
before you had obliged Lord Granby to quit a 
serv^ice he was attached to ; before you had 
discarded one chancellor and killed another. 
To what an abject condition have you la- 
boured to reduce the best of Princes, when 
the unhappy man, who yields at last to such 
personal instance and solicit-'itiou, as never 
can be fairly employed against a subject, feels 
himseit degraded by his compli nee, and is 
unable to survive t!ie disgraceful honours 
which his gracious Sovereign had compelled 
him to accept I H.* was a man of spirit, for he 
had a quick sense of shame, and death has re- 
deemed his character. 1 know your Grace 
too well to appeal to your feelings upon this 
event; but there is another heart, not yet, I 
hope, quite callous to the touch of humanity, 

* The Bedford part^. 



JUNIUS. 170 

fo wliich it ought to be a dreadful lesson for 
ever ■ 

Now, my Lord, let us consider the situation 
to vviilth you have conducted, and in 'A hicli 
you hitve thought it advisable (o abandon, 
your Koyil Mast.-r Whenever the peo|,le 
have conirilained, and nothing ijeltfr could be 
said in defence ot tiie measures ot government, 
it has been tlie tashion to answer us, though 
not very fairly, with an appeal to the private 
virt les of your Sovereign ^ " Has he not , to re- 
" iicve the people, surrendered a considerable^ 
" part of iiis. revenue ? Has he not made the 
"judges independent, by fixing tliem in tlieir 
" places for life?" My Lor 1, we acivnowledge 
the gracious principles which gave birtii to 
tiiese concessions, and have nothing to re- 
gret, but that it has never been adhered to. 
At the end of seven years, we are loaded with 
a debt above live hundred thor.sand pounds 
iipon the civd I'.st ; and now we see the chan- 
colh)r of (ir'^at Britain tyrannicidly forced out 
of his office, not for want of abiiities, not for 
v.'ant of integrity, or of attention to iris duty, 
but for delivering his honest opinion in par- 
lian^if^nt, upon the greatest conslitutioncd <pies- 
tion that has arisen since th-- revolution We 
care not to whose private virtues you appeal.' 
The theory of such a government is falsehood 
and motk?ry ; th? practice is oppression You 
have la!)ourcd then (though, [ confess, to no 
purpose) to rob your master of the only plau- 
sible answer that ever was given in defence 
of iiis government — of the opinion wliicli the 
people had conceived of his personal honour 
and integrity. The Duke of Bedford was 

* Tlie most secret particular of this detestable 
trfin?:iction slmll in due time be given to tlie pub- 
lic. Tile people sliall know what kind of man they 
have to deal with. 



ISO JUiSlUS. 

more moderate than your Grace : he only 
forced hb Master to violate a solemn promise 
made to an individual ;* but you, my Lord, 
have sijcresstully extended your advice to 
every political, every moral ensagement, that 
could bind eitiier ihe magistrate or the man. 
The condition of a King is often miserable; 
but it required your Grace's abilities to make 
it c;ontemptible. You will say, perhaps, that 
thi- failiilul servants, in whose hands you have 
left him, are able to retrieve his honour, and 
to support his government. You have pub- 
licly declared, even since your re^gnation, 
that you approved of their measures, and ad- 
ra.red their conduct, particularly that of the 
Eirl .)f Sandwich. What a pity it is, thot, with 
all this appearance, you sliould think it ne- 
cessary to separate yourself from such amiable 
companions ! You forget, my Lord, that while 
vou are lavisji in the [iraisc oi' men whom you 
desert, you rre pi'.blidy o[>posing your con- 
duet to your opinions, and depriving yourself 
of the only plausible pretence you had for 
leaving your Sovereign, overwhelmed with 
distress 1 call it plar.sible ; for, in trutli, 
there is no reason whatsoever, less than the 
t'rowns of your Master, that could justify a 
man of spirit for abandoning -lis post at a mo- 
ment so critical and important. U is in vain 
to evade the question: if you will not speak 
out, the public have a rigiit to judi^e from ap- 
pearances. We are avithorized to conclude, 
that you either ditfered from your colleagues, 
%vhose nieasures you still aiVect to defend, or 
that you thought the administration of the 
Kin ;'s att'airs no longer tenalile. You are at 
liberty to choose between the hypocrite and 
the coward. Your best friends are iu doubt 

^ Mr, Stuart M'Kecsie. 



JLMUtJ. 181 

jwliich way they shifll incline. Your country 
iiiiit«,'S the characters, and gives you credit for 
them both For my own part, I see nothing 
inconsistent in your conduct. You began with 
betraying the People ; you conchjde with be- 
traying the King. 

In your treatment of particnhtr persons, 
you have preserved the uniformity of. your 
character. Even Mr. Rnidshaw declares, that 
no man was ever so ill used as himself. As 
to the provision* you have made for his f=»mi!y, 
he was entitled to it by the hou^e he lives in. 
The successor of one Chancellor miiht well 
I)retend to be the rival of another. It is the 
breach of private friehdship which touches 
Mr. Brad^lsaw. and to say the tnnh, when a 
man of his rank and abilities had tc.ken so ac- 
tive a fiart in your afi'airs, he ought not to have 
been let down at last with a miserable pension 
of fifteen hundred pourtds a year, (.'olonel 
Luttrel!, Mr. Onr-low, and Governor Burgoyne, 
M'cre eeuully engaged with you, and haVe 

* \ penKinri of iJOdl. per annum, ensured upon 
the 4 1 2 per cr.nU^ (lie was too cunning to trust to 
Irish i-eciirity) for the lives of hims^elf and all his 
sou.-. Thi.s geritlciD^n, wljo, a very few yr-ars ago, 
was clerk lo a contractor for forasc, and a^ter- 
warJs tXLiitetl to a petty pOet in the war office, 
thought it iii'Cf>?.s;iry (as ?oon as he «as appointed 
I?ecittary lollie Tivasury) to take tint gre;it hoii.-e 
in Li:;co!ii'.s Inn Fields, in which the E ul of .\or- 
fhineton had resided, while he was i.ord High 
Chiiiiceilof of Great Britain As to the pensioti, 
l.oid IVorth \'tTy solemnly assured the Housi> of 
Commons, that no pension was ever so well de- 
served as Mr Brndshaw's. N B. Lord Camden 
and Sir Jefitry Amherst are not near so well pro- 
vided lor: and S^ir Edward Hawke, who saved the 
^latp, retires with two thousand pounds a year on 
the Irish establishment, from which he. in iact, re- 
ceives less than Mr. Brailshaw's pension. 



182 JUNIUS. 

rather more reason to complain tlian Mr. Brad-^^ 
shaw ! hcse are men, my Lord, whose frieiid- 
ship you sliould have adhered to on the same 
principle on which you deserled Lord Rock- 
inghrim, Lord Chatham, Lord Camdeii, and 
th=i Dake of Portland We can easily account 
for yoiir violatingyoureng:a>;ements with men 
of Honour; i)ut wiiy should you betray your 
natural connexions ? why separate yourself 
from Lorj Sandwicli, Lord Gower, and iVIr. 
Rit(by ; or leave the three worthy gentlemen 
al)os^e mentioned to shift for themseh es? With 
all the fashionable indulgence of the times, 
this conntrv does not aboun(J in charactei's like 
theirs; and you may find it a difficult matter 
to recruit the black catalo;iue of your friends. 
The recollection of the royal patent you 
sold to Mr. Hine, obliges me to say a word in 
defence of a man, whom you have taken the 
most dishonourable means to injure. I do not 
refer to the sham prosecution which you af- 
fected to carry on against him. On that ground, 
I doubt not, he is prepared to meet yon with 
tenfold recrimination, and set you at deiiance. 
The injury you have done him itf'ects his mo- 
ral character. You knew that the otier to 
purchase the reversion of a place, which lias 
hei'etofore been sold under a decree of the 
Court of Chancery, however imprudent in his 
situation, would no way tend to cover him 
with that sort of guilt which you wished to 
fix upon him in the eyes of the world. You 
laboured then, by every species of false sug- 
gestion, and even by publishing counterfeit 
letters, to liave it understood, that he had pro- 
posed terms of accommodation to you, and 
had offered to abandon his principles, his par- 
ty, and his friends. You consulted your own 
breuslforacharacttr of consummate treachery, 
and gave it to thepublicfor ihatof Mr. Vaugh- 
an. I think mvself obliged to do this justice 



JUNIUS. 163 

lo aa injiired raan, because I was deceived by 
the .ippeamnces thrown out by your Giace, 
anJ have frequently spoken of his conduct 
with indignation If he really be what I think 
him, honest, thout^h mistaken, he will be hap- 
py in recover! no; his reputation, though at the 
expense of his underslanding. Here i see the 
matter is likely to rest. V'our Grace is afrtiid 
to carry on the prosecu ion. Air Hine kf:eps 
quiet ]iossession of the purchase ; and Gover- 
nor (>iir v^yne relieved from the apprehension 
of ri'f iiidin^;the monev, its iown, for iiie re- 
m-ii'ider of \\\^ life, iujimoas and contented. 

I bebeve, my Lord, i may now take ray 
leave of you forever You are no Iongerlh.it 
resoluie Minister, v/iio had spirit to support 
the most violent meas-ires ; w.io coinpeiis'ited 
for the want of ;ood and great (jualit es, by a 
brave determination (wfiich some people ad- 
mired and relied on) (o maintain himself with-^ 
out them The reputation of obstinacy and 
perseverence might have supplied the 'place 
ol all the a!)sent virtues. You have now ad- 
ded the last negative to yoiu- character, and 
nieaidy confe-^sed that you, are destitute of the 
common spirit of a man. Retire then, my 
Lord, and hide your l)lusl!cs from (he world ; 
for, with such a load of shame, even black 
may chanffe Its colour. A mind, such as 
yours, in the solitary hours of domestic enjoy- 
ment, may still find topics of consolation Vou 
may find it in the memory of violated friend- 
ship; in the afflictions of an accomjjlished 
Prince, whom you have disgraced and de- 
ser'eti ; and in the agitations of a great coun- 
try, driven by your counsels to the brink of 
destruction * 

The palm of ministerial firmness is now 
transferred to Lord JNorth. He tells us so him- 



1S4 JUxMUa 

self, and with the plenitude of the ore rolundo \1^ 
and I am ready enough to Ijelieve, that, while - 
he can keep his place, he will not easily be 
pursuaded to resign it. Your Grace was the > 
firm Minister of yesterday ; Lord Nord is th(3 
firm Minister of to-day. To-morrow, perhaps, , 
his Majesty in his wisdom may give us a rival 1 
for you both You are two well acquainted I 
with the temper of yourlate allies, to think it ; 
possible that Lord North should be permitted I 
to govern this country. If we may believe 
common fame, they have shewn him tlieir su- 
periority already. His Majesty is, indeed, too 
gracious to insult his subjects, by choosing his 
first Minister from among the domestics of 
the Duke of Bedford; that would have been 
too gross an outrage to the three kingdoms. 
Their purpose, however, is equally answered, 
by pushing forward this unhappy figure, and 
forcing it to bear the odium of measures which 
they-|n reality direct Without immediately 
appearing to govern", they possess the power, 
and distribute the emoluments of government, 
as they think proper. I'hey still adhere to the 
spirit of that calculation, which made Mr Lut- 
trell representative of iVIiddlesex. Far from 
regretting your retreat, they assure us, very 
gravely, that it increases the real strength of 
the Ministry. According to this way of rea-'j 
soning, they will probably grow stronger and 
more flourishing, every hour tliey cxfst ; for 
I think there is hardly a day passes in which 
some one or other of his Majesty's servants 
does not leave them to improve t)y the loss of 
his assistance, But, alas ! their countenances 
speak a ditterent language. When the mem- 

* This eloquent person has got as far a? the dis- 
cipline of Demosthenes. He constantly speak?**! 
with pebbles iu Jii^ mouth, to improve hi? artitula- i 
tionv ♦ I 



JUMOS'. 185 

bers drop off, the main body cannot,bc insen- 
j^ible of its api'roachirjg dissohition. Even tlie 
violence of their proceeding's is a signal (jf des- 
pair. Like broken tenaiiLs, vvijo have had 
warning to quit the [>reinises, they curse liseir 
landlord, destroy the iixtiires, tl.rinv every 
thing into confusion, and care not what mis- 
chief they do to the estate. JU.MIJS. 



LETTER XXXVn. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

Sin, March 19, 1770. 

I BELIEVE there is no man, however indif- 
ferent about the interests of this country, who 
will not readily confess, that the situat on to 
which we are now reduced, whether it has 
arisen from the violence of faction, or from 
an arl)itrary system of government, ju^tfiel the 
most melancholy itpprehensions, and calls for 
the exertion of whatevpr wisdom or vii-our 
is left among us. The Kino;'s answer to the 
remonstrance of the City of London, and the 
measures since adopted by the Ministry, 
amount to a ])lain declaration, that the prin- 
ciple on wliich iVIr Luttrell was seated in the 
House of Commons, is to be supported in all 
its consequences, and caiTied to its utmost 
extent. The same spirit which violated the 
freedom of election, now invades tlie decla- 
ration and bill of rights, and threatens to pun- 
ish the subject for exercising a privilege hither- 
to undisputed, of petitioninir the crown. .The 
grievances of ths people are aggravated by 
'nsults ; their comrd.dnts not merely disre- 
'Jjirded, but checked by authority ; and eveiy 



186 JUNIUS. I 

one of those acts ar;ai'ist which they remon- 
strated, connrmed by the K;ns'« decisive ap^^ 
probation. A.t such a mo.nent, no honesi 
men Will remain silent or inactive. Howe- 
ver distinguished by rank or property, in ihe 
rights of freedom we are all equal As we ■. 
are R^nclislimen, the least considerable mam 
among us has an interest equal to the proud-- 
esi nubleman in the la'.vs and constitution off 
his country, and is equally called upon to 
m vike a generous contribution in support off 
them : whether it be the heart to conceive, , 
the understanding to direct, or the hand tat 
execute ll is a common cause in which we ' 
are all interested, in which we should all be 
en>raa;ed. The man who deserts it at this 
alarmif!^ crisis is .an enemy to his country? 
and, what I think of inPjsitely less importance, 
a traitor to his .Sovereign. The snl>ject, who ■ 
is truly loyal to the Chief Magistrate, will I 
neither advise or submit to arbitrary mea- 
surer's The Citv of London hath given an i 
exai^ple, which,'^! doubt not, will be followed I 
by the whole kingdom The noble spirit off 
the metropolis is tlie life blood of the state,, 
collected at ihe heart ; from that point it cir-- 
culates, with health and vigour, through every ^' 
artery of tlie constitution The time is come' 
when the body of the English people musti 
assert taeir own cause : conscious of theiri 
strenjith, and animated by a sense of their du-- 
ty, they will not surr.-nder their birthright tOD 
Ministers, Parliaments or Kin9;s, 

rhe City of London have expressed theirr 
sentiments with iVeedom and firmness ; they. 
have spoken truth boldly ; and, in whateven 
light then- remonstrance may be represented! 
l)y court ers, I ilefy the most subtle lawyer inn 
this country to painf oc.t a -ingle instance \m 
which they have exceeded thfe truth. Ev#' 



JUNIUS. 187 

that assertion which we are told is most offen- 
*^vo to Pai'liarnent, in the theory of the En- 
glish lonstitution, is strictly true. If any part 
of the representative body i)e not chosen by 
the people, that |)art vitiates and corrii[>ts the 
whole. Jf there be a defect in the representa- 
tion of the people, thai power, which alone is 
equal to the making of thf^ laws in this country, 
is not complete, and the acts of Parliiiment, 
under that circumstance, are not the acts of a 
pure and entire leijislatnre I s}H'ak of the 
theory of our constitution ; and whatever dif- 
ficulties or inconveniences may atten<l the 
practice, I am ready to maintain that, as far as 
the fact deviates from the principl'-, so far (he 
practice is vicious and corrupt I Uu\e not 
heard a question raised upoti any .drier part 
of the remonstrance That trie prhiciple on 
which the Middlesex flection was determined, 
is more pernicious in its eifectsthan either the 
levyino; of ship-money by Charles the Fn-st, 
or the suspending power assumed by hi'^ son, 
will hardly be disputed by any man who un- 
derstands or wishes well to the En^dish con- 
stitution. It is not an act of open violence 
done by the King, or any direv:t or palpable 
breach of the laws attempted by his Minister, 
that can ever endan;;;er tUe liberties of this 
country. Against such a Kin.r or Minister the 
people would immediately take the alarm, 
and all parties ^miteto o!)|>ose h!m The laws 
may be j^rossly violated ii particular instan- 
ces, without any direct attack upon the whole 
system Facts of that kind stand alone ; they 
are attributed to necessity, not defended by 
principle. VVe can never !)e really in danger, 
until the forms of parliament are made use of 
to destroy the substance of our civil and po- 
litical liberties; untH parliauient itself betrays 
tte trust, by contributing to establish new pria- 



188 .]UN!US. 

ciples of government, and employing tlie very 
weapons comraitled to it Ity the collective bcy^< 
dy, to stab the constitution. 

As for the terras of the remonstrance, I pre- 
sume it will not be adirmed, by any person i 
^ss polished than a gentleman usher, that this 
is a season for compliments Our gracious. 
king, indeed, is abundantly civil to himself. , 
Instead of an answer to a petition, his Majes- 
ty very graceiidiy pronounces his own pane- ■ 
gyric ; and I confess that, as far as his person- • 
al behaviour, or the royal parity of his inten- 
tions, is concerned, the truth of those decla- 
rations, which the minister has drawn up for 
his IM-aster, cannot decently be disputed. In 
every other respect, I a (firm, that fhey are ab- 
solutely uiisnpported either in argument or 
fact I must add, too, that supposing the 
speech were otherwise unexceptionable, it is 
not a direct answer to the petitioti of theCity. 
His Majesly i? pleased to r....y, that he is always 
ready to receive the requests of his si^bjects; 
yet tli'e sb.erilfs were twice sent ba;-k with au 
excuse : and it v/as certainly debated, in coun- 
cil, whefJier or no the 3/Iag'istr^.tes of the City 
of London should ]>e admitted to an audience. 
Whether the reraoastrance be or be not inju- 
rious to Parliament, is the very question be- 
tween the Parliament and the people, and 
such a question as cannot be decided ly the 
assertion of a third party, however respecta- 
ble. That the petitionins" for a dissolution of 
Parliament is irreconcileable with the princi- 
ples of the cojistitution, is a new doctrine. — 
His Majesty, perhaps, has not been informed, 
that the House of Commons themselves, have, 
by a formal resolution, admitted it to be the 
right of the subject. His Majesty proceeds to 
assure us, that he has made the laws the rulc^ 
of his conduct, Wn-- it in ordering or permitcf 



JUiML'S. 189 

ting his M'.nislcrs to apprelieiid Mr. Wilkes by 
na^eneral warrunl ?" VV;is it in suil'crinc; i)is iVli- 
jii'ih'rs to revive the obsolete maxim of mn.lium 
fem;us, to rob thcDoke of I'ortlancl otiiis pro- 
perly, and thereby give a decisive turn to a 
eounty election ? VVtis it in erecting a cham- 
ber constdlation of surgeons, with {iiitborily 
to examine into and i?!ipercede tiie legal ver- 
dict of a jiuy ? Or did his Majesty consult (he 
laws of this country, wlien he permitted lii.s 
Secretary of State to declare, that, whenever 
the civil magistrate is trifled with, a military 
for-e must be sent for, williojif the dday of a 
momoil, and etfectnally employed ? Or was it 
in the barbarous exactness with which this il- 
legal, inhuman doctrine was carried into exe- 
cution ? tf his Majesty had recollected these 
facts, [ tliink, he would never have said, at 
least with any reference to the measures of 
his government, that he had made the laws 
the rule of his conduct To talk of preserving 
the affections, ny relying on the support of his 
subjects, while he continues lo act upon these 
principles, is, indeed, paying a complinjent to 
their loyalty, which, I hope, they have too 
much spirit and understanding to deserve. 

His Mi-ijesty, we are told, is not only punc- 
tual in the performance of his own duty, l)ut 
careftd not to assume any of those powers 
which the constitution has placed in other 
hands. Admitting this last assertion to be 
strictly true, it is no way to the purpose. The 
City of London have not desired the Kinu' to 
assume a power phiced in other hands. If 
they had, I shoidd liope to see tlie person who 
dared to present such a petition immediately 
impeached. They solici! their Sovereign to 
' exert that constitutional uithority wiiich the 
laws liave vested in him for the benefit of 
'^^'^ =ubie€t?. They call upon him to make 



190 JUNIUSv '^ 

use of his lawful prerogative in a case which 
our laws evidently ^uppased might happen^ 
since they have provided for it by trusting thtt 
Soveregn with a discretionary power to dis- 
solve the Parliament This request will, I am 
coiifident be sup|jorted by remonstrances from 
all parts of the kingdom* His Majesty will 
fiud, at last, that this is the sense of his peo- 
ple ; and that it is not his interest to support 
either Ministry or Parliament at the hazard of 
a breach with the collective body of his sub- 
jects That he is a King of a free people, is 
indeed his greatest glory. That he may long 
continue the King of a free people, is the se- 
cond wish that animates my heart- The first 
is, that the people may he free. JUiNIUS. 



LETTER XXXVIII. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertise^". 

Sir, Aprils, 1770. 

In my last letter I offered you my opinion! 
of the truth and propriety of ids Majesty's an- 
swer to the City of London, considering it i 
merely as the speech of a Minister, drawn up 
in his own defence, and delivered, as usual, 
by the Chief Magistrate 1 would separate, 
as much as possible, the King's personal cha- 
racter and behaviour from the acts of the pre- 

* When his M jesty had done reading his speech, 
the Lord Mayor, iac bad the honoiu- of kissing his 
Majesty's hand ; after which, as they were with- 
drawing, his ■V[:ijpsty instantly turned round to his 
courti' rs, and burst out a laughing 

Aero fiddied, nhile Rome was burving. 

JOHN HORN.^ 



JUNIUS* 191 

sent government. I wisti it to be understood 
(tliat f)is Majesty haa, in eiil-ct no mure con- 
cern in tile sut^stiince of wlmt he said, tliaii 
Sir James iJoiiyt-s had in the remonstrance ; 
and that as Sir James, in virtue of his urJice, 
was obliged to speak the sentiments nt the 
peojiif , ids Aiajobty might think himself l:ound 
by the same olhcial obligation, to :;ive « i:race- 
fiil utterance to tiie sentiments of his Minis- 
ter—The cold formality of a vvell-re|;ealed 
lesson is widely distant from the animated ex- 
pression of the heart. 

This distinction, however, is only true with 
respect to the measure itself. I he conse- 
(jueiices of it reach beyond the Ministt^r, and 
materially attect liis IVlajesty's honour, lii 
their own nati"re,they are formidable enough 
to alarm a man of prudence, and disgraceful 
enough to afflict a man of spirit. A subject, 
whose sincere attachment to his Majesty's 
person and family, is founded upon rational 
pnnci[)les, will not in the present conjimcture, 
be scrujiulous of alarming, or even of aifbct- 
ing his Sovereign. 1 know there is an-tiier 
sort of h)yalty, of which his Majesty has iiad 
plenty of experience. When the loyahy ot To- 
ries, Jacobites, and Scotchmen, has once taken 
possession of an unheppy Prince, it seldom 
leaves him without accomplishing his destruc- 
tion. When the poison of their doctrines has 
tainted the natural benevolence of his dispo- 
sition, when their insidious counsels have cor- 
rupted the stamina of his government, what 
antidote can restore him to his |)oiilical health 
and honour, but the firm sincerity of his Eng- 
lish sul)jects .'' 

It has not been usual, in this country* at 
least since the days of Charles the First, to see 
the Sovereign persftnaliy at variant e, or en- 
»ghged in a direct altercation, with his subjects. 



192 JUNIUS. 

Acts of graee and indulgence are wisely, ap- 
propriated tohitn, ;uid should constantly be, 
performed by himself, lie never should a]> 
pear but in an amiable light to his subjects. 
Even in France, as long as any ideas of a 
limited monarchy were thought worth pre- 
serving;, it was a maxim that no man should 
leave the royal presence discontented. They 
have lost or renounced the moderate princi- 
ples of their government ; and now, when 
their parliaments venture to remonstrate, the 
tyrant comes forward, and ansvvers absolutely 
for himself. 'j"he spirit of their present con- 
stitution requires that the King should be fear- 
ed ; and the principle, I believe, is tolerably 
supported by the fart But, in our political 
system, the theory is at variance Avith the 
practice ; for the King should be I>eloved. 
Measures of greater severity, may, indeed, in 
some circumstances, be necessary ; but the 
Minister who advises, should take the execu- 
tion and odium of them entirely upon him- 
self He not only betrays his master, but vio- 
lates the spirit of the English constitution, 
when he exposes the chief m-igistrate to the 
personal haired or contempt of his subjects. 
When we speak of the firmness of govern- 
ment, we mean an uniform system of mea- 
sures deliberately adopted, and resolutely 
maintained, by the servants of the crown ; 
not a peevish asperity in the language or be- 
haviour of the Sovereign. The government 
of a weak, irresolute monarch, may be wise, 
moderate, atid firm : that of an obstinate, ca- 
pricious prince, on (he contrary, may be fee- < 
ble, undetermined and relaxed. The reputa- ■ 
tion of public measures depends upon the 
Minister, who is responsible; not upon the 
King, whose private opinions are not supposed 
to have auv weight sarainst the advice of lil*«< 



JUNIUS. 193 

council, and whose personal authority should, 
therefore, never be interposed in public affairs. 
This, I believe, is true, constitutional doc- 
trine. But for a moment let us suppose it 
false. Let it be taken for granted, that an oc- 
casion may arise, in which a King of England 
shall be compelled to take upon himself the 
ungrateful office of rejecting the petitions, and 
censui'ing the conduct, of his subjects; and 
let the city remonstrance be supposed to have 
created so extraordinary an occasion. On this 
principle, which I presume no friend of ad- 
ministration will dispute, let the wisdom and 
spirit of the Ministry be examined. They ad- 
vise the King to hazard his dignity, by a posi- 
tive declaration of his own sentiments ; they 
suggest to him a language full of severity and 
reproach. What follows ? When his Majesty 
had taken so decisive a part in support of his 
Ministry and Parliament, he had a right to ex- 
pect from them a reciprocal demonstration of 
tirmness in their own cause, and of their zeal 
for his honour. He had reason to expect 
(and such, 1 doubt not, were the blustering 
promises of Lord North) that the persons 
whom he had been advised to charge with 
having failed in their respect to him, with hav- 
ing injured parliament, and violated the prin- 
ciples of the constitution, should not have 
been permitted to escape without some severe 
marks of the displeasure and vengeance ot* 
parliament. As the matter stands, the Minis- 
ter, after placing his Sovereign in the most 
unfavourable light to his subjects, and after 
attempting to fix the ridicule and odium of bis 
own precipitate measures upon the royal cha- 
racter, leaves him a solitary figure upon the 
scene, to recal, if he can, or to compensate, 
, by future compliances, for one unhappy de- 
Bion?tration of ill-supported firmness and iu- 
K 



194 JUiXlUS. 

efifectual resentment. As a man of spirit his 
Majesty cannot bat be sensible^ that the k)^y 
terms in which he was persuaded to reprimand 
the city, when united with the silly conclu- 
sion of the business, resembled the pomp of a 
mock tragedy, where the most })athetic senti- 
ments, and even the sufferings of the hero, are 
calculated for derision. 

Such have been the boasted firmness and con- 
sistency of a Minister,* whose appearance in 
the House of Commons was thought essential 
to the King's service ; whose presence was to 
influence every division ; who had a voice to 
persuade, an eye to penetrate, a gesture to 
Gomraand. The reputation of these great 
<}ualities has been fatal to bis friends. The 
little dignity of Mr. Ellis has been committed. 
The mine Avas sunk; combustibles were pro- 
vided; and Welbore Ellis, the Guy Faux of 
the fable, waited only for the signal of com- 
mand. All of a sudden the country gentle- 
men discover how grossly they have been 
deceived : the Ministers heart fails him ; the 
grand plot is defeated in a moment; and poor 
Mr. Ellis and his motion taken into custody. 
From the event of Friday last, one would 
imagine that some fatality hung over this gen- 
tleman. Whether he makes or suppresses a 
motion, he is equally sure of disgrace. But 
the complexion of the times will suffer nO' 
man to be Viee-Treasurer of Ireland with im- 
punity.t 

* This graceful Minister is oddly constructed. 
His tongue is a litUe too big for his mouth, and his- 
eyes a great deal too big for their sockets. Every 
part of his person sets natural proportion at de- 
fiance. At this present vrriling his head is sup- 
posed to be much too heavy for his shoulders. 

f About this time the courtiers talked of nothing ' 
but a bill of pains and penalties against the Lord 



JUNIUS. 199 

1 do not mean to express the smallest anxiety 
for the Minister's reputation, tie acts sepa- 
rately for himself, and the most shameful in- 
consistency may perhaps be no disgrace to 
to him. But when the Sovereign who repre- 
sents the majesty of the slate appears in per- 
son, his dignity should be sujiported. The 
occasion should be important ; ihe plan well 
considered ; the execution steady and con- 
sistent My zeal for his Majesty's real honour 
compels me to assert, that it has been too 
much the system of the present reign, to in- 
troduce him personally either to act for, or 
defend bis servants. They persuade him to 
do what is properly their business, and de- 
sert him in the midst of it. Yet this is an in- 
convenience to which he must for ever be 
exposed, while he adlieres to a Ministry divi- 
ded among themselves, or unequal in credit 
and ability to the great task they have under- 
taken. Instead of reserving the interposition 
of the Royal Personage, as the last resource 
of government, their weakness obliges them 
to apply it to every ordinary occasion, and to 
render it cheap and common in the opinion 
of the people. Instead of supporting tlieiF 
Master^ they look to hioi for support ; and, for 

Mayor and RheriffV, or impeacliment at the least. 
Liiile Mannikin EUistold the Kin^r, that if the bu-i- 
ness were left to his management, he would engage 
to do wonders. It was tliougbt very odd that°a 
business of so much importance should be entrr.sled 
to the most contemptible little piece of machinery 
ia tlie whole kingdom. His honest zeal, however, 
was disappointed. The Minister took flight ; and, 
at the very instant t!iat little Ellis was""go;og to 
open, sent him an order to sit do^vn. All tlieir 
ntagnanimons tiireats endf d in a ridicidous vote of 
censure and a still more ridiculous addres? to tiic 
Kiaj. 



196 JUNIUS. 

the emoluments of remaining one day more 
in office, care not how much his sacred charac- 
ter is prostituted and dishonoured. 

If I thought it possible for this paper to reach 
the closet, l would venture to appeal at once 
to his Majesty's judgment. I would ask him, 
but in the most respectful terms, '• As you arc 
«' a young man. Sir, who ought to have a life 
*' of happiness in prospect, as you are a hus- 
" band, as you are a father (your filial duties, 
" I own, have been religiously performed) is 
*' it bona fide for your interest or your honour, 
" to sacrilicc your domestic tranquility, and to 
*^ live in a perpetual disagreement with your 
" people, merely to preserve such a chain of 
^« beings as North, Barrington, Weymouth, 
" Gower, Ellis, Onslow, Rigby, Jerry Dyson, 
^' and Sandwich? Their very names are asatire 
'« upon all government! and I defy the gravest 
" of your chaplains to read the catalogue witli- 
'• out laughing." 

For my own part, Sir, I have always con- 
sidered addresses from parliament as a fashion- 
able, unmeaning formality. Usurpers, idiots, 
and tyrants, have been successively compli- 
mented with almost the same professions of 
duty and affection. But let us suppose them 
lo mean exactly what they profess. The con- 
sequences deserve to be considered. Either 
the Sovereign is a man of high spirit, and dan- 
gerous ambition, ready to take advantage of 
the treachery ofhis Parliament, ready to accept 
of the surrender they make him of the public 
liberty, or he is a mild, undesigning prince, 
who, provided, they indulge him with a little 
state and pageantry, would of himself intend 
no mischief. On the Hrst supposition, it must 
soon be decided by tlie sword, whether the 
constitution should be lost or preserved. On 
rliOi second, a prince uo way qualified fop the 



JUNIUS. 197 

execution of a great and liazardoiis enterprise, 
and wKhout any detorr.iined object in view, 
may nevertheless be driven into such despe- 
rate measures as may lead directly to iiisruin ; 
or disgrace himself by a shameful fluctuatioa 
between the extremes of violence at one mo- 
ment, and timidity at another. The minister, 
perhaps, may have reason to be satisfied with 
the success of the present hour, and with the 
prolils of his era})loyment. He is the tenant 
of tlie day, and has no interest in the inheri- 
tance. The Sovereign himself is bound by 
other obligation?, and ought to look forward 
to a superior, a permanent interest. His pa- 
ternal tenderness should remind him how 
many hostages he has given to society. The 
ties of nature come powerfully in aid of oaths 
and protestations. The father who considers 
)iis own precarious state of health, and the pos- 
sible hazard of a long minority, will wish to 
see the family estate free and unincumbered.* 
What is the dignity of the Crown, though it 
were really maintained; what is tlie honour 
of Parliament, supposing it could exist without 
any foundation of integrity and justice — or 
what is the vain reputation of firmness, even 
if the scheme of the government were uni- 
form and consistent, compared witli the heart- 
felt affections of tjje people, witli the happi- 
ness and security of the royal family, or even 
with the grateful acclamation of the populace .'* 
Whatever style of contempt may be adopted 
by Ministers or FarIiament.s,no man sincerely 
despises the voice of the English nation. The 
House of Commons are only interpreters, 
whose duty it is to convey the sense of the 
people faithfully to the crown. If the inter* 

* Every true friend of the house of PrunswicV, 
sees with alTiiction how rapidly ?ome of the princi- 
pal branches of the family Jiave dropped off. 



I§8 JU-MUS. 

pretation be false or imperfect, tbo consliluent 
powers are called upon to deliver their owrt 
sentiments. Their speech is rude, but intelli- 
gible ; their gestures fierce, but full of expla- 
nation. Perplexed by sophistries, their honest 
eloquence rises into action. Their first ap- 
peal was to the integrity of their representa- 
(ives; the second to the King's justice. The 
last argument of the people, whenever they 
have recourse to it, will carry more, perhaps, 
than persuasion to Parliament, or supplication 
to the throne. JUNIUS. 



LETTER XXXIX. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser, 

Sir, May 28, 1770. 

While Parliament was sitting, it would 
?ieither have been safe, or, perhaps, quite re- 
gular, to offer any opinion to the public upon 
the justice or wisdom of their proceedings. 
To pronounce fairly upon their conduct, it 
was necessary to w^ait until we could consider, 
in one view, the beginning, progress, and 
conclusion of their deliberations. The cause 
of the public avbs undertaken and supported 
by men whose abilities and united authority, 
to say nothing of the advantageous ground 
Ihey stood on, might well be thought sufficient 
to determine a popular question in favour of 
the people. Neither was the House of Com- 
mons so absolutely engaged in defence of the 
Ministry, or even of their own resolutions, 
but that they might have paid some decent re- 
gard' to the known disposition of their cdn- 
stita^ents; and, without any dishonour to thebr 



JIJNTUS. 199 

iirmness, might have retracted an opinion too 
hastily adopted, when they saw the alarm it 
liad created, and how strongly it was opposed 
hy the general sense of the nation. The Minis- 
try, teo, would have consulted their own im- 
mediate interest in making some concessions 
satisfactory to the moderate part of the peo- 
|>Ie. Without touching the fact, they might 
have consented to guard against, or give up, the 
dangerous principle on which it was esta- 
blished. In this state of things, I think it was 
highly improbable, at the beginning of the ses- 
sion, that the complaints of the people upon 
a matter, which, in their apprehension at least, 
immediately affected the life of the constitu- 
tion, would be treated with as much contempt 
by their own representatives, and by the House 
of Lords, as they had been by the other branch 
of the legislature. Despairing of their integri- 
ty, we hfld a right to expect something from 
■their prudence, and something from their fears. 
The Duke of Grafton certainly did not fore- 
see to what an extent the corruption of a Par- 
liament might be carried. He thought, per- 
haps, that there was still some portion of shame 
or virtue left in the majority of the House of 
Commons, or that there was a line in public 
prostitution beyond which they would scruple 
.to proceed. Had the young man been a little 
more practised in the world, or had he ven- 
tured to measure the characters of other men 
by his own, he would not have been so easily 
discouraged. 

The prorogation of Parliament naturally 
calls upon us to review their proceedings, and 
to consider the condition in Avhich they have 
left the kingdom. I do not question but they 
have done what is usually called the King's 
business, much to his Majesty's satisfaction , 
we have only to lament, that, in consequence 



200 JUNIUS. 

of a system introduced or revive*d in the pre- 
sent reign, this kind of merit should be very 
consistent with the neglect of every duty they 
owe to the nation. The interval between the 
opening of the last, and close of the former 
session, was longer than usual. Whatever 
were the views of the Minister in deferring the 
meeting of Parliament, sufficient time was cer- 
tainly given to every member of the House 
of Commons, to look back upon the steps he 
had taken, and the consequences they had 
produced. The zeal of party, the violence 
of personal animosities, and the heatof con- 
tention, had leisure to subside. From that 
period, whatever resolution they took was de- 
liberate and prepense. In the preceding ses- 
sion, the dependents of the Ministry had af- 
fected to believe, that the final determination 
of the question would have satisfied the nation, 
or at least put a stop to their com{)laints ; as 
if the certainty of an evil could diminish the 
sense of it, or the nature of injustice could be 
altered by decision. But they found the peo- 
ple of England were in a temper very distant 
from submission ; and although it was con- 
tended that the House of Commons could not 
themselves reverse a resolution which had the 
force and effect of a judicial sentence, there 
were other constitutional expedients which 
would have given a security against any simi- 
lar attempts for the future. The general pro- 
position, in which the whole country had an 
interest, might have been reduced to a par- 
ticular fiict, in which Mr. Wilkes and Mr, Lut- 
trell would alone have been concerned. The 
House of Lords migiit interpose ; the King 
might dissolve the Parliament ; or, if every 
other resource failed, there still lay a grand 
constitutional writ of error, in behalf of the 
people, from the decision of one court to the 



JUNIUS. £01 

* 
wisdom of theWhole legislature. Every one 
of- these remedies has been successively at- 
tempted. The people performed their part 
^vith dignKy, spirit, and perseverance. For 
many months his majesty heard nothing from 
liis people, but the language of complaint and 
resentment: unhappily for tliis conntry, it 
was the daily triumph of liis courtier-, that he 
heard it with an iaditlerence approaching con- 
tempt. 

The House of Commons, having assumed a 
power unknown to the constitution, were de- 
termined not merely (o support it in the sin- 
gle in;:tancc in question, but to maintain the 
doctrine in its utmost extent, and to establish 
the fact as a precedent in law, to be ajiplied 
in whatever way his Majesty's servants should 
iicreafler (hijik (it. 'J'heir proceedings upon 
this occasion are a strong proof that a decision, 
in the first instance i!leg;d rnd unjust, can on- 
ly be supported by a continuation of fidsehood 
and injustice. To support their former reso- 
hstinns, they were o])iiged to violate some of 
ti)e best known and established rule'fe*^ of the 
}Jou5?. In one instance, they went so far as 
to declare, in open defiance of trutii and com- 
mon sense, that it was not tlie rule of the 
House to divjtle a complicated question attlie 
recjuestofa iVferaber." But, after trampling 
v.pon the laws of the Innd, it was not v.'onder- 
ful tliat they should treat the private regula- 
tions of tiicir own assembly with equal disre- 
gard. T!ie speai<pr, being young in ollice, 
began v*rith pretended ignorance, and ended 
with deciding for the Ministry. Wo are not 

* Tlie cxtravagsnt resolution appears in the 

vote of the House ; but, in the minutes of the coni- 

mittpcs, tlie instances of rpsoliitions contrary to law 

• -nd tiuth, or of refusals to acknowledge law and 

uuih w'lm p:opc;cd to them, are innumerable. 



see JUNIUS,. 

surprised al tire decision : but hel'iesitatcil am? 
blushed at his own basenesr-, and every man 
Tvas astonished* 

The interest of the public was vigorously- 
supported in the House of Lords. The right 
to defend the constitution against an encroach- 
ment of the otherestate*, and t!^3 necessity of 
exerting it at this period, was urged to them 
».vit!i every argument tha} couid be supposed 
to indusnce the heart or the understanding. 
?3ut it saon appeared that they had already la- 
ken their part, and were determined to su{> 
port the ilouse of Commons, not only at the 
expense of (rath and decency, but even by a 
surrender of their own n^ost important rigiits. 
Instead of performing that duty which the 
i^jonstitution expected from them, in return for 
tiie dignity and independence of their station, 
?n return for the liereditary share it i)as given 
the.m in the legisiature, the majority of ihefti 
rjfiade coMiiiKon cause with the other House in 
oppressing the people, and established anoth- 
er doctrine as false in itself, and, if possible, 
Kiore p/t'rnicions to tiie constitution, than that 
®n which the Middlesex election was deter- 
snincd. Ey resolving, <Mhat they had no 

■* Wh^n the king fiist m.u3o it a nca^uiT' of lii>! 
I^ovcrnitient to destroy Mr. \^'i2k«'P, v.v.d ^;hrti, for 
Xlm purpoijc, it whs necessiuy to I'lm dnu-nprivilpoe 
^ir Fioti'lKn" Norton, with h'? nsunl prostituted 
PiTronlery, assured the Howso of Commons, that he 
sivould re;:ard one of tlioii' votes no jiiore thnn a 
resolution of so mnny dicokro porters. T!>i* is 
t!ie very lawyer wiioin Ben Johnson describes in 
the following lines: 

" (jivps forked counsel : takes provoking gold 

^' On either Itand, and put? it up. 

*' So wise, so e-rave, of so perplp.x'd a tongii'e, 

** And loud withal, that v.oyk! not wivg, U'Or 
scarce 

" Lie still without a /es." 



JUNIUS. 2oa 

" rrlf^ht to impeach ii judj-iiment of the House 
« ftf Commons, in fiiiy cas« vvhsitsoever, where 
*'■ ^liat house has a competent jurisdiction," 
Ihey, in cUect, gave u|) tiiat constitutional 
check and reciprocal control of one branch 
of the k'i^iflature over tlie olher, which is, 
perhaps, tiie j^^rcatest and most imftortant ob- 
ject provided for by the division of the whole 
legislative power into three estates: and now- 
let the judicinl decisions of the House of Com- 
mons bo ever so extravagant, let their decla- 
rations of the law l>c ever so flagrantly false, 
arbitrary, and oppressive to the subject, the 
Hon^e of Lords iiavc imposed a slavish silence 
npen themselves; they cannot interpose; 
thy cannot protect the subject ; they cannot 
defend the laws of their country. A conces- 
sion so cKlraordiniiry in itself, so contradic- 
tory to the principles of (heir own institution 
cannot but alarm the most unsuspecting mind. 
We may well conclude that the Lonk would 
hardly have yielded so much to the other 
House without the c;-rtainty of a compensa- 
tion, which can only be made to thora at the 
expense of the peoj,le.* The arbitrary power 
they have a.~-iurried, of impoping fines, and 
committing during pleasure, will now be ex- 
ercised in its full extent. The House of Com- 
mons are too much in thnir debt to question 
or interrupt their proceedings. The Crown 
too, we may be well a-jpured, will lose no- 
thing in this n3W ditjtribution of power. Af- 
ter declaring, that to petition for a dissolution 
of parliament is ineconcFiablc with the princi- 

* The man who resists and overcomes this iniqiii- 
loiiB power, -.issiimed by tlie Lords, must be Fiip- 
ported by the whole people. We have the laws 
on our side, and want notliiii? but an intrepid 
leader^ W lien such a man viands forth, let the 
nation look to it. U is not hi-* cause but our own. 



S04 JUNIUS. 

pies of the constitution, his Majesty has rea- 
son to expect that some extraordinary com- 
pliment will be returned to the Royal prero- 
gative. The three branches of the legislature 
seem to treat their separate rights and inter- 
ests as the Roman triumvirs did their friends ; 
they reciprocally sacrifice them to the ani- 
mosities of each other : and establish a detes- 
table union among themselves, upon the 
ruin of the laws and liberty of the common- 
wealth. Through the whole proceedings 
of the House of Commons, in this ses- 
sion, there is an apparent, a palpable con- 
sciousness of guilt, which has prevented their 
daring to assert their own dignity, where it 
has been immediately and grossly attacked. 
In the course of Dr. Musgrave's examination, 
he said every thing that can be conceived 
mortifying to individuals, or offensive to the 
House. They voted his information frivolous : 
Lut they were awed by his firmness and in- 
tegrity, and sunic under it.* Tiie terms in 
"which the sale of a patent to Mr. Hine were 
communicated (o the public, naturaliy called 
for a parliamentary inquiry. Tiie integrity of 
the House of Commons was directly impeach- 
ed : but they had not courage to move in their 
own vindication, because the inquiry would 
have been fatal to Colonel Bnrgoyne, and the 
Duke of Grafton. When Sir George Saville 
branded them with the name of traitors to their 
constituents, when tlie Lord Mayor, the She- 
riffs, and Mr. Trecothick, expressly avowed 
and maintained every part of the City Remon- 

*The examination of this firm, honest man is 
printed for Jlmon. The reader will find it a most 
curious and most interesting tract. Doctor Mus- 
grave, with no other suppoit but truth and his own 
firmness, resisted and overcame the whole House of 
Commons, 



JUNIUS. 205 

strance, why did they tamely submit to be in- 
^suUed? Why did they not immediately expel 
those refractory Members? Conscious of the 
motives on -which they had acted, they pru- 
dently preferred infamy to danger ; and were 
better prepared to meet Ihe contempt, than lo 
rouse the indignation, of the whole people. 
Had they expelled those five members, the 
consequences of the new doctrine of incapaci- 
tation would have come immediately home 
to every man. The truth of it would then 
liave been fairly tried, without any reference 
to Mr. Wilkes's private character, or the dig- 
nity of the House, or the obstinacy of one par- 
ticular county. These topics, T know, have 
had their weight with men, who, affecting a 
character of moderation, in r(iality consult 
nothing but their own immediate ease: v.'ho 
are weak enough to acquiesce under a flagrant 
violation of the laws when it does not directly 
touch themselves,; and care not what injijs- 
tice is practised upon a man whose nioal 
character they piously think themselves obli- 
ged to condemn. In any other circumslarlfccs, 
the House of Commons must have forieiled 
all credit and dignity, if, after such gross pro- 
vocation, they had permitted those five gen- 
tlemen to sit any longer among thein. AVe 
should then have seen and felt the operation 
of a precedent, which is represented to ])e per- 
fectly barren and harmless. But there is a 
set of men in this country, whose understand- 
ings measure the violation of law by the mag- 
nitude of tlie instance, not by the important 
consequences which flow directly from the 
principle ; and the Minister, I presume, did 
not think it safe to quicken their apprehensions 
too soon. Had Mr. Hampden reasoned and 
xicted like the moderate men of these days, 
instead of hazarding his whole fortune in a 
IdW.suit with the Crown, be would have qui- 



£0^ JUNIUS. 

etly paid the twenty shillings demanded of 
him ; the Stuart family- would probably have^ 
continued upon the throne ; and, at this mo- 
ment the imposition of ship-money would 
have been an acknowledged prerogative of 
the Crown. 

What then has been the business of the ses- 
sion, after voting the supplies, and confirming 
the determination of the Middlesex election ? 
The extraordinary prorogation of the irisli 
Parliament, and the just discontents of that 
kingdom, have been passed by without notk*e. 
Kaither the general situation of our colonies, 
nor that particular distress which forced the 
inhabitants of Boston to take up arms in their 
defence, have been thought worthy of a mo- 
ment's consideration. In the repeal of those 
acts which were most otFensive to America, 
the Parliament have done every thing but re- 
move the otience ; they have relinquished 
the revenue, but judiciously taken care to pre- 
serve the contention. It is not pretended that 
the continuation of the tea duty, is to produce 
any " dh"ect benefit whatsoevei' to the mother 
coiantry. "What is it then, but an odious un- 
proillable eKcrtion of a speculative right, and 
iixing a badge of slavery upon the Americans, 
without ssrvice to their masters? But it has 
pleased God to give us a Ministry, and a Par- 
liament, who are neither to be persuaded by 
argument, or instructed by experience. 

Lord North, I presume, will not claim an 
extraordinary merit from any thing he has 
done this year, in the improvement, or appli- 
catioK of the revenue, A great operation, di- 
rected to an important object, though it should 
fail of success marks the genius and elevates 
the character of a Minister. A poor contract- 
ed understanding deals in little schemes, whick^ 
dishonour him if they fail, and do him n© " 



JUNIUS. £07 

*.vetiit r;hen llicy succeed. Lord North had 
v^rtunalely the means in his possession of re- 
ducing all the four per cents, at 04ice. The 
failure of his first enterprise in finance, is not 
half so disgraceful to his reputation as a Min- 
ister, as the enterprise itself is injurious to the 
public. Instead of striking one decisive blow, 
which would have cleared the market at once, 
upon terms proportioned to the price of the 
four -per cents, six weeks ago, he has tampered 
with :i pitiful portion of a commodity which 
ought never to have been touched l)ut in gi^oss. 
He has given notice to the holders of that 
stock, of a design formed by gover'ament td* 
prevail iqion them to surrender it by degrees, 
consequently has warned them to hold up 
and enhance the price: so that the plan of 
reducing the four per cents, must either be 
dropped entirely, or continued with an in- 
creasing disadvantage to the public. The 
Minister's sagacity has served to raise the va- 
lue of the thing lie means to "purchase, and to 
sink that of the three per cents, which it is his 
purpose lo sell. In effect, he has contrived to 
make it the interest of the proprietor of the 
four per cents, to sell out, and buy three p-rr 
cents, in the market, rather tlian rubscriije his 
stock upon any terras that can possibly be of- 
fered by government. 

The stale of the nation leads ns naturrdly to 
consider the situation of the King. The pro- 
rogntion of Parliament has the etiect of a tem- 
porary dissolution. The odium of measures 
adopted by the collective body sits lightly 
upon the separate members who composed it. 
They retire into summer quarters, and rest 
from the disgraceful labours of the campaign. 
But as for the Sovereign, it is not so willi him ; 
^ he has a per.manent existence in this country .- 
he caano^vithdraw himself from the com- 



208 JONIUS. 

f 
plaints, the discontents, the reproaches of his 

subjects. They pursue him to hisrctirement,<3;^ 
and invade his domestic happiness, when no 
address can be ol)tained from an obsequious 
Parliament to encourage or console him. In 
other times, the interest of the Kingandthepeo- 
ple of Elngland, was, as it ougiit to be, entirely 
the same. A new system has not only been 
adoj)ted in fact, but professed, upon principle. 
Ministers are no !on;;er the public servants of 
the state, but the private domestics of the 
Sovereign. One* particular class of men fxre 
permitted to call themselves the King's friends, 
as if the body of the people were the King's 
enemies; or, as if his Majesty looked for a 
resource or consolation in the attachment of 
a few favourites, against the general contempt 
and detestation of his subjects. Edward and 
Richard the second made the same distinction 
between the collective body of tlie people, 
and a contemptible party who surrounded the , 
throne. The event of their mistaken conduct 
might have been a warning to their succes- 
sors. Yet the error" of those.Princes were not 
Avithout excuse, 'i'hey had as many false 
friends as our present gracious Sovereign, and 
infinitely greater temptations to seduce tbem. 
Tiiey were neither sober, religions, nor de- 
mure. Intoxicated with pleasure, they wasted 
tiieir inheritance in pursuit of it. Their livr-s 
were like a rapid torrent, brilliant in jirospect, 
though useless or dangerous in its course. In 
the dull, unanimated existence of other j)rin- 
ces, we see nothing but a sickly stagnant \va- 

* " An ignorant, mercenary^ and sorvilc crew ; 
" unanimous in evil, diligent in miscijief, variahle 
" in principles, constant to flattery, talkers for 
*' liberty, but elavos to power ; styiin? themselves 
" the court iiarty, and the Prince'^s only friend.-;." *^ 



JUiXIUS. 209 

ter, which taints the atmosphere, without fer- 
tilizing the soil. Tlie morahty of a King is not 
■So be measured by vulgar rules His situalion 
is singular. There are faults which do him 
honour, and virlueS that disgrace him. A 
faultless, insipid equality in his character, is 
neither capable of virtue or vice in the ex- 
treme ; but it securer, his submission to those 
persons whom he has been accustomed to 
respect, and makes him a dangei-ous instru- 
ment of their ambition. Secluded from the 
world, attached from his infancy to one set of 
pefsons and one set of ideas, he can neither 
open his heart to new connexions, nor Iiiishi 
mind to better information. A Character of 
this sort is the soil fittest to produce that ob- 
stinate bigotry in politics and religion, which 
begins with a meritorious sacrifice of the un- 
derstanding, and finally conducts the monarch 
and the martyr to the block. 

At any other period, I doubt not, the scan- 
dalous disorders which have been introduced 
into the government of all the dependencies 
in the empire, would have roused the atten- 
tion of the public. The odious al^use and pro- 
titution of the prerogative at homie ; the un- 
constitutional employment of the military ; 
the arbitrary fines and commitments by the 
House of Lords and Court of King's Bench; 
the mercy of a chaste and pious Prince, ex- 
tended cheerfully to a wilful murderer, be- 
cause that nlbrderer is the brother of a com- 
mon prostitute ;* would, I think, at any other 
time, have excited universal indignation. 
But the daring attack upon the constitution, 
in the Middlesex election, makes us callous 
and indifferent to inferior grievances. ISo 
man regards an eruption upon the surface, 

•^ * Miss Kennedy. 



k 



SiO JUNIUS. 

when the noble parts are invadedfiand he feels 
a mortification approaching to his heart. The 
free election of our representatives in Parlia^ 
ment comprehends, because it is, the source 
and security of every ri^ht and privilege of I 
the English nation„ The Ministry have realized I 
the compendious ideas of Caligula. They 
know that the liberty, the laws, and the pro- 
perty of an Englishman, have, in truth, but I 
one neck, and that, to violate the freedom of I 
election, strikes deeply at th^m all. 

JUNIUS. 



LETTER XL, 

To Lord North. 
My Lord, August 22, 1770. 

Mr. Luttrell's services were the chiefi 
support and ornament of vthe Duke of Graf- 
ton's administration. The honour of reward- 
ing, them was reserved for your Lordship. 
The Duke, it seems, bad contracted an obli- 
gation he was ashamed to acknowledge, and I 
unable to acquit. You, ray Lord, had no scru- 
ples. You accepted the succession with all i 
its incumbrances, and have paid Mr. Luttrell I 
his legacy, at the hazard of ruining the estate. . 

Witen this accomplished youth declared I 
himself the champion of government, the ; 
world was busy inquiring what honours on 
emoluments could be a sufficient recompense; 
t© a young man of his rank and fortime, fori 
submitting to mark his entrance into life wilhi 
the universal contempt and detestation of his> 
country. His noble father had not been so > 
precipitate. To vacate his seat in Parliament ; 
Ip intrude upon a country in which he had t^^ 



JUNIUS. 211 

fntefest or cS'iinexion ; to possess himself of 
-another man's right, and to maintain it in de- 
foljce of public shame, as well as justice, be- 
ispoke a degree of zeal, or of depravity, Avhicli 
all the favour of a pious Prince could hardly 
requite. I protest, my Lord, there is in this 
young man's conduct a strain of jirosUtution, 
which, for its singularity, I cannot butachnire. 
He has discovered a new line in the human 
character; he has degraded even the name of 
Luttrell, and gratified his father's, most san- 
guine expectations. 

The Duke of Grafton, with every possible 
disposition to patronize this kind of merit, 
was contented with pronouncing Colonel Lut- 
trell's panegyric. The gallant spirit, th^2 dis- 
interested zeal of th« young adventurer, were 
echoed through the House of Lords. His 
Grace repeatedlypledged himselfto the House, 
as an evidence of the purity of his friend Mr. 
Luttrell's intentions, that he had engaged v.ith- 
out any prospect of personal benefit, 3.nd that 
the ide'a of compensation would mortally of- 
fend him * The noble Duke could Imrdly \>e 
in earnest; but he had lately quited his em- 
ployment, and began to think it necessary to 
take some care of his reputation. Attiiatvery 
moment, the Irish negociation was probably 
begun. Come forward, thou worthy repre- 
sentative of Lord Bute, and tell this insuHed 
country, who advised the King to appoint Mr. 
Lutterell adjutant-general to the army in Ire- 
land. By what management was Colonel 
Cuninghame prevailed on to resign his ejn- 
ployment, and the obsequious Gisborne to ac- 
cept of a pension for the government of Kin- 
sale. ?t Was it an original stipulation with the 

* He now siys that his creat object is the rani: 
•f Colonel, and that he will have it. 
^-Ji Tiiis infamous transactioa ought to be ex- 
^ ■ 



^12 JUNIUS. 

Princess of Wales ; or does he 16we his pre-^ 
ferment to your Lordship's partiality, or to tW 
Duke of Bedford's friendship? My LoJ^J 
Ihough it may not be possible to trace thii^ 
measure toitssonrce, we can follow tlie streami 
and warn tlie country of its approaching de-c 
striiction. The English nation must be rousedt 
and putupon its guard. Mr Luttrell has already 
ptshown us, how far he may be trusted, when-i 
ever an open attack is to be made upon the 
liberties of this country. I do not doubt thatv 
there is a deliberate plan formed. Your Lord-i 
ship best knows by wiioni. The corrnptioR! 
of the legislative body on this side, a military; 
force on the other, and ihcn, farewell to. Eng', 
land! It is impossible that any Minister shalil 
dare to addse the King to place such a man' 
as Luttrei! in the confidential postof adjutant-i 
general, if there were not some secret purpose 
in view, wiiichoniy such a man as Luttrell is 
fit tf) promote. 'I'he insuit offered to the army. 
in general, is as gross as the outrage intended 
to the vieople of England. What! Lieutenant-' 
Cplonel Luttrell adjutant-general of an army 
of sixteen thousand men ! One would thinki 
his Majesty's campaigns at Biackheath andi 

plained to the public. Colonel Gisborne wa? qnar^ 
ler niaisier-general in Ireland. Lord Townsend' 
persuaded him to resign to a Scotcii officer, one! 
Frazer, and gives him the governmrnt of Kinsale. 
Colonel Cunin^haine was adjotantgeneral in Ire- 
land Lord Townsend offpr« him a pension, to in-i 
diice him to resign to Liiltrell. Cnninghame treats 
the offer with contempt What's to he done? 
Poor Gisborne must move once more. He accepts' 
of a pension of 500/ a year, until a government ofi 
greater value shall become vacant. Colonel Cun-i 
inghnme is made 2;overnor of Kinsale ; aiid Lut- 
trell, at last, lor whom the wlioie machinery is pnt 
in motion, becomes adjutant-general, and, in effect,' 
takes the comtn^and of the army in Ireland, ^*^ 



JUiML'S. 21;^ 

,VitnMc(ioii might have taught hiru better. J 
^(firiot help wishing General IrlKivey joy oiK 
;olicague who does so mucii lionour lo thc/^ 
imphjyment. But, my Lord, this measure is 
00 daring to pass unnoticed, too daiigerous 

be received with indirt'ercnce or submission, 
fou shall not have time to new model the 
rish army. They will not submit to be garb- 
ed ])y Colonel Luttrell. As a mischief to the 
English conslitulion (for he is not^ worth the 
lame of enemy) tiiey ah-eady detest him. As 

1 boy, impudently thrust over their heads, they 
,vill receive him with indignation and con- 
empt. As for you, my Lord, who, perhaps, 
ire no more than the blind, unhappy iustz:u- 
iicnt of Lord Bute and her Royal Higlsncss 
he Princess of Wales, be assured, that you 
>liall he called upon to answer for the advice 
ivhirh has been given, and either discover 
your accomplices, or fall a sacrilice to their 
security. JUJNIUS. 



LETTER XLL 

To Ike Rigid Honourable Lord Mansfield. 

My Loud, November 14, 1770. 

Thk appearance of this letter will attract thn 
curiosity of the public, and command even 
your Lordship's attention. I am considerably 
in your debt, and shall endeavour, once for all, 
lo balance the account. Accept of this address, 
my Lord, as a prologue to more important 
scenes, in which you will probably be culled 
upon to actorsuiler. 

v«You will not (juestion my veracity, when I 
Assure vou, that it has not been pwing to any 



2H JUNIUS.. 

particular respect for your person that I ^^^i 
abstained from you so long.— Besides the ^&4 
litres* and danger ,with which the press is threat- 
6nedy when your Lordship is a party, and thei 
party is to be judge, I confess I have been de- 
terred by the difficulty of the task. Our laa- 
guage has no term of reproach, the mind has 
no idea of detestation, which has not already; 
been happily applied to you, and exhausted.! 
Ample justice has been done, by abler pens 
than mine, to the separate merits of your life 
and character. Let it be my humble office to( 
collect the scattered sweets, till their united 
virtue tortures the sense. 

Permit me to begin with paying a just tri-i| 
bute to Scotch sincerity wherever I find it. |; 
own, I am not apt to ccnfide in the professions 
of gentlemen of that country ;. and, when they^ 
sraife, I feel an involuntary emoticn to guard 
myself against mischief. With this general 
opinion of an ancient nation, I always thought 
it much to your Lordship's honour that, in 
your earlier days, you were but little infected 
with the prudence of your country. You had 
some original attachments,, which you took' 
every proper opportunity to acknowledge. 
The liberal spirit of youth prevailed over 
your nati%'e discretion. Your zeal in the cause 
of an unbappy Prince was expressed with the 
sincerity of wine, and some of the solemnities 
of religion.* This, I conceive, is the most ami- 
able point of view in which your cha»"acterhas 
appeared. Like an honest man, you took that 
part in politics, which might have been expect- 
ed from your birth, education,- country, and; 
connexions. There was something generous 

*This man was always a rank Jacobite. Lord Ra- 



vensworth produced the most satigfactory evidei* 



of his havingMfrequently drank the Preleufier 
health on his Mees. 



% 



JUiMUS. 215 

ill ytMii? attachment lo the banished house of 
^uart. We lament the mistakes of a good 
man, and do nol begin to detest him until he 
nlletts to renounce his principles. "Why did 
you not adhere to that loyalty you once pro- 
fessed ? Why did you not follow the example 
ofyour worthy brother rt Witli hira you might 
have shared in the honour of the Pretender's 
confidence; with him you might have preser- 
ved the integrity of yom- character, and En- 
gland, I think, might have spared you without 
regret. Your friends will say, perhaps, that, 
although you deserted the fortune of your 
liege Lord, you have adhered firmly to the 
princiijles which drove his father from .the 
throne; that, w^ithout openly supporting the 
person, you have done essential service to the 
cause ; and consoled yourself for the loss of a 
favourite family, by reviving and establishing 
the maxims of their government. This is the 
way in which a Scotchman's understanding 
corrects the errors of brs heart. My Lord, F 
acknowledge the truth of the defence, and can 
trace it through all your conduct. 1 see 
through your whole life one uniform plan to 
enlarge the povrer of the crown, at the ex- 
))tnse of the liberty of tiie subject. To this ob- 
ject yonr thoughts, words, and actions have 
been constantly directed. In contempt or ig- 
norance of the common law of England, yoa 
have made it your study to introduce into the 
court where you preside, maxims of jurispru- 
dence unknown to Englishmen. The Roman 
code, the law of nations, and the opinion of 
foreign civilians, are your per[)ctual theme ; 
but, who eveirljeard you mention Magna Char- 

f Confidential Secretary to the late Pretender, 
T^iis circufRstancG confirmed tlie friendship between 

'. no brothers. =.. 



116 JUNIUS. 

j 
ta, or the Bill of Rights, with approbation oi*'' 
respect ? By such treacherous arts the nobl^^- 
simplicity and free spirit of our Saxon laws ■ 
were iirsl corrupted. The Norman conquest^! 
was not complete, until Norman lawyers had ! 
introduced their laws, and reduced slavery to j 
a system. This one leading principle directs ■ 
your interpretation of the laws, and accounts ^ 
for your treatment of juries. It is not in politi- 
cal questions only (for there the courtier i 
might be forgiven) but let the cause be what it I 
may, your understanding is equally on the 
rack, either to contract the power of the jury, 
or to mislead their judgement. For the truth 
of this assertion, I appeal to the docti-ine you 
delivered in Lord Grosvenor's cause. An ac- 
tion for criminal conversation being brought 
by a Peer against a Prince of the Blood, you 
were daring enough to tell the jury, that, in 
fixing the damages, they were to pay no re- 
gard to the quality or fortune of the parties ; 
that it Vv'as a trial between A and B ; that they 
were to consider the offence in a moral light 
only, and give no greater damages to a peer of 
the realm, then to the meanest mechanic. II 
shall not attempt to refute a doctrine, which,' 
if it was meant for law, carries falsehood and 
absurdity upon the face of it; but, if it was 
meant for a declaration of your political creed , 
it is clear and consistent. Under an arbitrary > 
government, all ranks and distinctions are con- 
founded. The honour of a nobleman is no: 
more considered than the reputation of a pea- 
sant ; for, with different liveries, they are equal-i 
ly slaves. 

Even in matters of private property, wesee^ 
the same bias and inclination to depart from 
the decisions of your predecessors, which you! 
certainly ought to receive as evideuce of tl^i 
common la^^^^ Instead of those certain pos-^-t 



JUNIUS. 217 

tive rules, by which the judgment of a court 
of law should invariably be determined, you 
^have fondly introduced your own unsettled 
notions of equity and substantial justice. De- 
cisions given upon such principles do not alarm 
the public so much as they ought, because the 
consequence and tendency of each particular 
instance is not observed or regarded. In the 
mean time, the practice gains ground ; the 
Court of King's Bench becomes a court of 
equity ; and the Judge, instead of consulting 
strictly the law of the land, refers only to the 
wisdom of the court, and to the purity of his 
own conscience. The name of Mr. Justice 
Yates will naturally revive in your mind some 
of those emotions of fear and detestation withi 
which you always beheld him. That great 
lawyer, that honest man, saw your whole con- 
duct in the light that I do. After years of in- 
effectual resistance to the pernicious principles 
introduced by your Lordship, and uniformly 
supported by your humble friends upon the 
bench, he determined to quit a court, whose 
proceedings and decisions he could neither 
assent to with honour, nor oppose with suc- 
cess. 

The injustice done to an individual* is some- 
times of service to the public. Facts are apt 
to alarm us m.ore than the most dangerous 
principles. The sufferings and firmness of a 
printer have roused the public attention. You 
knew and felt that your conduct would not 
bearaparliamentaiy inquiry; and you hoped 
to escape it by the meanest, the basest sacri- 
fice of dignity and consistency that ever was? 
made by a great magistrate. Where was your 

* The oppression of an obscure individual gave 
birth to the famous Habe?cS Corpus Act oi 31 Car. 
.'I. which U frequently considered as another Magna 
''harta of this kingdom. Bfachstine, iii. 135. 



218 JUNIUS. 

firmness, where was that vindictiv^e spirit of 
which we have seen so many examples, when ) 
a man so inconsiderable as Bingl^y could force^ 
you to confess, in the face of this country, 
that, for two yeai^ together, you had illegally 
deprived an English subject of his liberty, and 
that he had triumphed over you at last ? Yet 
I own, my Lord, that yours is not an uncom- 
mon character. Women, and men like wo- 
men, are timid, vindictive, andirresolute. Their 
passions counteract each other ; and make the 
same creature at one moment hateful, at an- 
other contempible. I fancy, my Lord, some 
time will elapse before you venture to com- 
mit another Englishman for refusing to ani 
swer interrogatories* 

The doctrine you have constantly delivered, 
in cases of libel, is another powerful evidence 
of a settled ptan to contract the legal power 
of juries, and to draw questions, inseparable 
from fact, within the arbiirmm of the court. 
Here, my Lord, you have fortune on your 
side. When you invade the province of the 
jury, in matter of libel, yon, in effect, attack 
tire liberty of the press, afld, with a single 
stroke, wound two of your greatest enemies. 
In some instances you have succeeded, be- 
cause jurymen are too otTien ignwant of their 
own rights, and too apt to be awed by the au- 
thority of a chief justice. In other criminal 

* Bingly was committed for conlempt, in not sub- 
mitting to be examined. He lay in prison two 
years, u&ttl the Crown tliou§;ht the matter might 
occasion some serious complamt, and therefore lie 
was let out,, in the same contumelious state be had 
been put in, with all his sins about him, unanoinled 
and unannealed> There was much coquetry be- 
tween the Court and the Attorney General^ about 
who should undergo the ridicule of letting hiin es- i 
eape. Vide another letter toAlmony p- 180. *'i 



JUNIUS. 279 

proi5eculions, the malice of the design is con- 
fessedly as much the subject of consideration 
to a jury as the certainty of the fact. If a dif- 
ferent doctrine prevails in the case of libels, 
why should it not extend to all criminal 
cases ? Why not to capital offences ? I see no 
reason (and I dare say you will agree with 
me, that there is no good one) why the life 
ofthe subject should be better protected against 
you than his liberty or property. Why should 
you enjoy the full power of pillory, fine and 
imprisonment, and not be indulged with bang- 
ing or transportation ? With your Lordship's 
fertile genius and merciful disposition, I can 
conceive such an exercise of the power you 
have, as could hardly be aggravated by that 
which you have not. 

But, my Lord, since you have laboured (and 
not unsuccessfully) to destroy the substance o/ 
the trial, why shotdd you sutler the form ofthe 
verdict t.o remain ? Why force twelve honest 
men, in palpable violation of their oaths, to 
pronounce their fellow-subject a guilly man, 
when, almost at the same moment, you forbid 
their inquiring into the only circumstance 
which, in the eye of law and reason, consti- 
tutes guilt ; the malignity or innocence of his 
intentions? But I understand your Lordship. 
If you could succeed in making the trial by 
jury useless and ridiculous, you might then, 
with greater safety, introduce a bill into Parlia- 
ment for enlarging the jurisdiction of the court, 
and extending your favourite trial by interrog- 
atories to every question, in which the life or 
liberty of an Englishman is concerned.* 

* The philosophical poet doth notably describe 
the drunnable and damned proceedings of the judge 
of ijell ; _ 
>*• Gnossius haee ilhadamanthus habet durissima 
rci^na, 
'■ Cast'galqu'-. auditq-ie dolci, suhiorUfvcfaferi," 



22Q JUNIUS. 

Your charge to the jury, in Ihc prosccr.tlon 
a<^ainst Almond and Woodfall, contradicts the 
highest legal authorities, as well as the plainest ' 
dictates of reason. In Miller's cause, and slili 
more expressly in that of Baldwin, you heive 
proceeded a step farther, and grossly contra- 
dicted yourself. You n)ay luiow, perhaps, 
though I do not mean to insidt you hy an ap- 
peal to your experience, that the language of 
truth is uniform and consistent. To depart 
from it safely, requires memory and discretion. 
In the two last trials, your charge to the jury 
began, as usual, with assuring them, that they 
had nothing to do Avith tiie law ; that they were 
to find the^bare fact, and not concern them- 
selves about the legal inferences drawn from it 
or the degree of the defendant's guilt. Thus 
far you were consistent witli your former prac- 
licc. Bat how will you account for the con- 
clusion ? You lokl the jury, tiiat " if, after all, 
«' they w^ould take upon tiiemselvcs to deter- 
" mine the law, thci/ miixht do ii, but tiiey must 
<« be very sure that they determined according 
" to law; for it touched their consciences, and 
" they acted at their peril." If I understand 
your lirst proposition, you mean to affirm, that 
the jury were tjot competent judges of the law 
in tiie "criminal case of a libel ; that it did riot 
fall within //?cir jurisdiction ; and that, with re- 
.spect to tfum, tiic malice or innocence of the 
defendant's intentions, w'ould be a question 
lomm nonjudice. But the second proposition 

First he puni?heth, nnd then he hcareth,and kstly 
conipeileli) to roiiiVs?, and makes and mars laws at 
iiis pknismc : like as the Centurion, in the iioly his- 
torv, did to St. I'aul ; for tlie textsaith, "(\-iiluno . 
apprv"liendi Paiilimi jus^it, ct ?e catciijs ligari, et ; 
*• tunc IrJc^rogabat, qiiis iiiisset, et quid tecisset." j 
But good judges and justices abhor the?e courst'S,- — ^' 
€ohe^ 2 Inst. 53. '" 



JUiSlUS. 221 

clears away your own difficulties, and restores 
tiie jury to all their judicial capacities/ You 
make llie competence of the court to depend 
upon the legality of the decision, in the first 
instance, you deny the power absolutely : in 
the second, you admit the power, provided it 
be legally exercised. ISow, my Lord, without 
pretending to reconcile the distinctions of 
Weslminster-hall with the simple information 
of common sense, or the integrity of fair argu 
ment, I shall be understood by your Lordsliip, 
when lassert, that,ira jury, or any other court 
of judicature (for juries are judges) have no 
riglit \o enter Into a cause or question of law, 
it sigdilies nothing whether their decision be, 
or be not according to law. Their decision 
is, in itself, a mere nullity '. the parties are not 
bound to submit to it ; and, if the jury run 
any risk of punishment, it is not for pronoun- 
cing a corrupt or illegal verdict, but for the 
illegality of meddling with a point on whicli 
they have no legal authority to decide. t 

I cannot quit this subject without remind- 
ing your Lordship of the name of Mr. Benson. 
Without oftering any legal objection, you or- 

*• Directly the reverse of the doctrine he con- 
stantly maintained in the House of J^ords, and 
rl?eulifre, upon the deci?ion of the Middlesex elec- 
tion. He invdf inbly asserted tliat the decijion must 
he le^nl, because the court was competent; and 
never could be prevailed on to cuter farther into 
the qnestinn. 

f These iniquitous prosecutions cost the best of 
Princes .-ix thousand pound.-, and ended in the total 
defeat ;ind disgrace of tlie prosecutors, /n the 
course of one of tliein, Jud^e Aston had the un- 
paralleled impiulertce to tell Mr Morris, a gentle- 
man of unquestionable honour and intef!;rily, and 
who wns then givin? his evidence on o?.th, that 
he skr>uld p<yy very lilllc regard to any ojfidavit he, 
should TV (ike. * 



222 JtJiMUS. 

tiered a special juryman to be set aside, in a 
cause where the King was prosecutor. The 
novelty of the fact required explanation. Will 
you condescend to tell the world by wiiat law 
or custom you were authorised to make a pe- 
remptory challenge of a juryman .'' The par- 
ties, indeed, have this power; and perhaps 
your Lordship, having accustomed yourself to 
unite the characters of judge and party, may 
claim it in virtue of the new capacity you have 
assumed, and profit by your own wrong. The 
time within which you might have been pun- 
ished for this daring attempt to pack a jury, is, 
I fear, elapsed; but no length of time shall 
erase the record of it. 

The mischiefs you have done this country 
are not confini-d to your interpretation of the 
laws. You are a minister, ray Lord; and, as 
such, have long been consulted. Let us can- 
didly exaraine what use you have made of 
your ministerial influence. I will not descend 
to Hti le matters, but come at once to those im- 
portant points on which your resolution was 
waited for, on which the expectation of your 
opinion kept a great part of the nation in sus- 
pense. A constitutional question arises upon 
a declaration of the law of parliament, by 
■which the freedom of election, and the birth- 
right of the subject, were supposed to have 
been invaded. The King's servants are ac- 
cused of violating the constitution. The na- 
tion is in a ferment. The ablest men of all 
parties engage in the question, and exert their 
utmost abilities in the discussion of it. What 
part has the honest Lord Mansfield acted .' 
As an eminent judge of the law, bis opinion 
would have been respected. As a peer, he 
bad a right to demand an audience of his sove- 
i\eign, and inform him that his Ministers were 
pursuing unconstitutional measures. Upon 



JUNIUS. 223 

olhcr occasions, my Lord, you have no diffi- 
culty in finding your way into the closet. The 
.pretended neutrality of belonging to no party 
will not save your reputation. In a question 
merely political, an honest man may stand 
neuter. But the laws and constitutior. are the 
general property of the subject ; not to de- 
fend, is to relinquish ; and who is there so 
senseless as to renounce his share in a com- 
mon bene tit, unless he hopes to profit by a 
new division of the spoU ? As a Lord of Par- 
liament, you were repeatedly called upon to 
condemn oi- defend the new JaW declared by 
Die House of Commons. You affected to have 
scrui)les, and every expedient was attempted 
to remove them. The question was proposed 
and urged to you in a thousand different 
shapes. Your prudence sfiJl supplied you with 
evasion; your refiolutio.!i ^vas invincible. For 
my ow« pant^ 1 am not anxious to penetrate 
this solemn secret. I care not to whose wis- 
dom it is intrusted, nor how soon you carry 
it with you to the grave.* You have betrayed 
your oj)inion by the very care you have taken 
to conceal it. Jt is not from Lord Mansfield 
that we expect any reserve in declaring his 
real sentiments in favour of government, or 
in oppu>sition to the people ; nor is it difficult 
to account for the motions of a timid, dis- 
honest heart, which neither has virtue enough 
to acknowledge truth, or courage to contra- 
dict it. Yet you continue to support an ad- 
ministration which you know is universally 
odious., and which, on some occasions, you 
yoin-self speak of with contempt. You would 

* He said, in the House of Lords, That he be- 
lieved he should cany his opinion with him to the 
^ravc. It was afterwards reported, that he haU 
intrusted it, in special confidence, to the ingenuous 
Duke of Cmnh.erla;id. 



224 JUNIUS. 

fain be thought to take no share in govern- 
ment, while, in reality, you are the main spring 
of the machine. Here, too, we trace the littley 
prudential policy of a Scotchman. Instead of 
acting that open, generous part which becomes 
your rank and station, you meanly skulk into 
the closet, and give your Sovereign such ad- 
vice as you have not spirit to avow or defend. 
You secretly engross the power, while you de- 
cline the title of a Minister; and though you 
dare not be Chancellor, you know how to se- 
cure the emoluments of the office. Are the 
seals to be for ever in commission, that you 
may enjoy five thousand pounds a year .'' I 
heg pardon, my Lord; your fears have inter- 
posed at last, and forced you to resign. The 
odium of continuing Speaker of the Housb of 
liords, upon such terms, was too formidable 
to be resisted. What a multitude of bad pas- 
sions are forced to submit to a constitutional 
infirmity ! But though you have relinquished 
the salary, you still assume the rights of a 
Minister. Your conduct, it seems, must be de- 
fended in Parliament. For what other pur- 
pose is your wretched friend, that miserable 
Serjeant, posted to the House of Commons ? 
Is it in the abilities of a Mr. Leigh to defend 
the great Lord Mansfield ? Or is he only the 
Punch of the puppet-show, to speak as he 
is prompted by the chief juggler behind the 
curtain.* 

In public affairs, my Lord, cunning, let it 
be ever so well wrought, will not conduct a 
man honourably through life. Like bad mo- 
ney, it may be current for a time, but it will 

* This paragraph gagged poor Leigh. I am re- 
ally concerned for the man, and wish it were 
possible to open his mouth. He is a very pretty 
orator. 



JUNIUS. 22 'i 

soon 1)6 erred down. It cannot consist uilh a 

«»ri!)ftral spirit', tli()ui';h it be sometimes imited 
vvit!^ cxlraoriiinaKy qualiilcations. When 1 ac- 
knowledge youi- abilities, yuu may believe I 
am sinofere* 1 feel for human nature wlien I 
see a man, so gifted as you are, descend to 

'fl-idi vile practices. Yet do not suffer your 
f anity to console you too soon. Believe me, 
my go5a Lord, you are not admired in the 
fame degree in which you are detested- It is 
onlyfiKi partiality of your friends that balances 
thc'defccts of your heart Vv'ith the superiority 
of vour understanding. No learned man, even 
among your own tribe, thinks you qualified to 
pres!(ie in a court of common law. Yet it is 
confessed, that under Jusiiman, you inight 
have made an incomparable prcEtor. It is re- 
markable enough, but I hope not ominous, 
that the laws you understand best, and the 
judges you affect to ddmire most, ilourishedia 
t!]e"decUne of a gr^at empire, and are sup- 
posed to have contributed to its fall. 

Here, my Lord, it may be proper for us to 
)7ausc together. It is not for my own sake tiiat 
i wish you to consider the delicacy of your 
situation. Beware how you'*indulge tlie fast 
emotions of your resentment. This paper is 
OTilivered to the world, and can not be recalled, 

'The prosecution of an innocent printer can- 
not alter facts, nor refute arguments. Do not, 
fiu'uish me with farthci' materials against your- 
telf. An lionest man, like the true religion, 
appeals to (he understanding, or modestly con- 
fides in the internal evidence of his conscience. 
T'le in)postor employs force 'nstcad of argu- 
ment, imposes silence where he cynnot con- 
vince, and propagates his character by the 

. sword. JUxNIUS. 

V ^ 2 



;226 JUNIUS. 

LETTER XLir. 

To the Printer of the PuMic Jldvtrtiser. 

SiE, January 30, 1771. 

Tf we recollect in what manner the King's 
friends have been constsntty employed, we 
shall have no reason to be surprised at a.ny 
condition of disgrace to which the once re- 
spected nante of Englishmen may be degra- 
ded. His Majesty has no cares, but such as 
concern the laws and constitution of this conn- 
fry. In his Royal breast there is no room left 
lor resentment, no place for hostile sentiments 
against the natural enemies of his crown. The 
system of government is uniform. Violence 
and oppression at home can only be supported 
by treachery and submission abroad. When 
the civil rights of the people are daringly in- 
vaded on one side, what have we to expect, 
but that tlieir political rights should be desert- 
pd and betrayed, in the same proportion, on 
the other ? The plan of domestic policy, which 
hnfs been invariably pursued from the moment 
of his present [Vlajesty's accession, engrosses all 
the attention of his servants. They know t'.iat 
the secm-ity of their places depends u})on their 
maintaining, at any hazard, the secret system 
of the closet. A foreign war might embarrass, 
an unfavourable event might ruin the Minis- 
ter, and defeat the deep-laid sclierae of policy 
to which he and his associates owe their em- 
ployments. Raiher than suffer the execution 
of that scheme to be delayed or interrupted, 
the king has been advised to make a public 
surrender, a solemn sacrifice, in the face of 
all Europe, not only of th.e interests of his 
subjects, but of his own personal reputations 



JUNIUS. 227 

•nnti of the clij^nity of that crown which his 
predecessors have worn with honour. These 
are strong terms, Sir, but they are supported 
by fact and argument. 

The King of Great Britain has been for some 
years in possession of an island, to which as 
the Ministry themselves have repeatedly as- 
serted, the S|)aniards had no claim of right- 
The iraportan-ce of the place is not in ques- 
tion. It it were, a better judgment might be 
formed (»f it, from the opinion of Lord Anson 
and Lord Egmout, and from the anxiety of 
the Sf)aniards, than from any fallacious in- 
sinuations thrown out by men, whose interest 
it is to undervalue that property which they are 
determined to relinquish. The pretensions of 
Spain were a subject of negociation between 
the two courts. They had been discussed, but 
not admitted. The King of Spain, in these 
circumstances, bids adieu to amicable nego- 
ciation, and appeals directly to the sword. The 
expedition against Port Egmont, does net 
appear to have been a sudden, ill-concerted 
enterprise.: It seems to have been conducted 
not onJy with the usual military precautions, 
but in all the forms and ceremonies of war. 
A frigate was first employed to examine the 
strength of the place. A message was then 
sent, demanding immediate possession, in the 
Catholic King's jiome, and ordering our peo- 
ple to depart. Atlast, a military force appears, 
and compels the garrison to surrender. A for- 
mal capitulation ensues ; and his Majesty's 
ship, wiiich mightat least have been permitted 
to bring home his troops immediately, is de- 
tained in port twenty days, and her rudder 
forcibly taken away. This train of facts car-» 
ries no appearance of the rashness or violence 
of a Spanish governor. On the contrary, the 
whole plan seems to have been formed and 



2^8 JUNIUS. 

executed, In consequence of deliberate orders, 
and a regular instruction from the Spanish 
court. Mr. Buccarelli is not a pirate, nor has 
he been treated as such by those who em- 
ployed him. I feel for the honour of a gen- 
tleman, when I affirm that our King owes him 
a signal reparation. Where will the humilia- 
tion of this Country end.? A King of Great 
Britain, not contented with placing himself 
Upon a level with a Spanish governor, de- 
scends so low as to do a notorious injustice to 
that governor. As a salvo for his own rep'u- 
tion, he has been advised to traduce the cha- 
racter of a brave officer, and to treat him as 
a common robber, when he knew, with cer- 
tainty, that Mr. Buccarelli had acted in obedi- 
ence to his orders, and had done no more 
than his duty. Thus it happens, in private 
life, with a man who has no spirit, nor sense 
of honour. One of his equals orders a servant 
to strike him. Instead of returning the blow 
to the master, his courage is contentc 1 with 
throwing an aspersion, equally false and pub- 
lic, upon the character of the servant. 

This short recapitulation was necessary to in- 
troduce the consideration of his Majesty's 
speech of the 13th November, 1770, and the sub- 
sequent measures of government. The exces- 
sive caution with which the speech was drawn 
up, had impressed upon me an early convic- 
tion, that no serious resentment was thought 
of, and that the conclusion of the business, 
whenever it happened, must, in some degree, 
Ije dishonourable to England. There appears, 
through the whole speech, a guard and reserve 
in the choice of expression, which shows how 
cai-eful the Ministry were, not to embarrass 
their future projects by any firm or spirited 
declaration from the throne. When all hopes 
of peace are lost, his Majesty tells his Parlia- 



JUNIUS. 229 

ment, tliat he is preparing, not for barbarous 
Var, but (witli all his mother's softness) for a 
different situation,. An open hostility, au- 
thorised by the Catholic King, is called an ad 
of a governor. This act, to avoid the mention 
of a regular siege and surrender, passes under 
the piratical description of seizing by force ; 
and the thing taken is described, not as a part 
of the King's territory, or proper dominion, 
but merely as a possession ; a word expressly- 
chosen in contradiction to, and exclusion of, 
the ideas of right,) and to prepare us for a fu- 
ture surrender'both of the right and of the pos-^. 
session. Yet this speech, Sir, cautious and 
equivocal as it ia, cannot, by any sophistry, 
be accommodated to the measures which have 
since been adopted. It seemed to promise, 
that, whatever might be given up by secret 
stipulation, some care would be taken to save 
appearances to the public. The event shows ' 
us, that to depart, in the minutest article, fro.ii I 
the nicety and strictness of punctilio, is as i 
dangerous to national honour as to female vir- j. 
tue. The woman who admits of one famili-' 
arity seldom knows where to stop, or what to 
refuse; and, when the councils of a great 
country give way, in a single instance, when 
they once are inclined to submis.sion, every 
step accelerates the rapidity of the descent. 
The Ministry tliemselves, when they framed 
the speech, did not foresee that they sl'ould 
ever accede to such an accommodation as tliey . 
Lave since advised their Master to accept of. 

The King says, " the honour of my crown, 
and the rights of my people are deeply allect* 
ed." The Spaniard, in his repl}'', says, " I will 
give you back possession, but I adhere to my 
claim of prior riglit, reserving the assertion of 
»^it for a more favourable opportunity." 

The speech says, " I made an immediate 



230 JUNIUS. 

demand of satisfaction ; and, if that fails, I am 
prepared to do myself justice." Tliis imme--^ 
diate deraaand must have been sent to Madrid 
on iliB 12th of September, or in a few days 
after. It was certainly refused, or evaded, and 
the King has not done himself justice. When 
the iirst Magistrate speaks to the nation, some 
care should betaken of his apparent veracity. 

The speech proceeds to say, I shall not dis- 
conlinue my preparations, until I have received . 
proper reparation for the injury. If this assu- 
rance may be relied on, what an enormous 
expense is entailed sine die upon this unhappy 
country ! Restitution of a possession, and re- 
paration of an injury, are as different in sub- 
stance as they are in language. The very act 
of restitution may contain, as in this instance 
it palpably does, a shameful aggravation of the 
injury. A man of spirit does not measure the 
degree of an injury by the mere positive da- 
mage he has sustained ; he considers the prin- 
ciple on which it is founded ; he resents the 
superiority asserted over him ; and rejects, 
with indignation, the claim of right which his 
adversary endeavours to establish, and would 
force him to acknowledge. 

The motives on which the Catholic King 
makes restitution, are, if possible, more insot- 
lent and disgraceful to our Sovereign, than 
even the declaratory condition annexed to it. 
After taking four months to consider whether 
the expedition was undertaken by his own or- 
ders or not, he condescends to disavow the 
enterprize,and to restore the island ; not from 
any regard to justice, not from any regard he 
bears to his Britannic Majesty, but merely 
from the persuasion in which he is of the pacific 
sentiments of the King af Great Britain. 

At this rate, if our King had discovered the ^ 
spirit of a man ; if he had made a peremptory 



KJiNlUS. 231 

demand of satisfaction, (he King of Spain 
would liave given hin) a peremptory refusal. 
But why this unseasonable, this ridiculous 
mention of the King of Great Britain's pacific 
inten-ions ? Have they ever been in (juestion ? 
■\Vas i;c the aggressor ? Does he attack foreign 
j)owfrs without provocation? Does he even 
resist, when he is insulted? No, Sir; if any 
ideas of strife or hostility have entered his 
royal minJ, they have a very different direc- 
tion. The enemies of England have nothing 
to fear from them. 

After all, Sir, to what kind of disavowal has 
the King of Spain at last consented ? Suppo- 
sing it made in proper time, it should have 
been accompanied with instant restitution : 
and if Mr. Buccarelli acted without orders, he 
deserved death. Now, Sir, instead of imme- 
diate restitution, we have a four months' ne- 
gociatioii : and the officer, whose act is dis- 
avowed, returns to court, and is loaded with 
honours. 

If (he actual situation of Europe be consi- 
dered, the treachery of the King's servants, 
])articularly of Lord North, who takes the 
whole upon himself, will appear in the strong- 
est coloirrs of aggravation. Our allies v.^ere 
masters of the Mediterranean. The King of 
France's present aversion from war, aiid the 
distraction of his affairs are notorious. He is 
now in a state of war with his people. In vain 
did the Catholic King solicit him to take part 
in the quarrel against us. His linances were 
5a the last disorder ; and it was probable that 
liis troops might find sufficient employment at 
home. In these circumstances, we migiithave 
dictated the law to Spain. There are no terms 
to which she might not have been compelled 
to submit. At the worst, a war with Spain 
alone carries the fairest promise of advantage. 



232 J f^ NIL'S. 

One good cflof t. at li^ij-t, woulil have liorii 
iimnedialely prodiiocd by it. The desv'rtioii 
of Fraiu'o would have n'ritated her ally, and, 
ill all probability, have dissolved the family 
compact. 'I'he scene is now fatally cluvnfvcd. 
The advantage is now thrown away. The 
most favourable opportunity is lost. Hereaf- 
ter we sliall know tlie value of it. When the 
French King is reconciled to his subjects, 
when Spain has coinpletivl her preparations, 
when the collected strength of the House of 
Bourbon attacks us at once, the King himself 
will be able to dctennine upon the wisdom or 
imprudence of his present conduct. As far as 
ttie pr(.)baiiility of argtnnent extends, we may 
safely pronounce, that a conjuncture which 
threatens the very being of this country, has 
been wilfully prepureil and forwarded by onr 
own Ministry. How far t1ie people may be 
animated to resistance, imder the present ad- 
ministration, I know not ; but this 1 know, 
with certainty, that, under t!ic present admin- 
istration, or if any tiling like it should (ron- 
tinuc, it is of very Tittle moment whetlicr wc 
are a conijuered nation or not.* 

*The Kin;};'s acceptance of the Spanish nm^Ms- 
sador'jdecluraiion is drawn ui)in harliaroiis French, 
and si.^;ned liV the IvmI of IJuchford. Thi> oi|)lo- 
itvAtio l^ord luisspeal Ids iitein ll\e suuly luul pr.i?- 
tice of ctiqurtUs, atkl is suppo^pd to be a p.rofoiuul 
master of the oereiaouies. i will not insult hisa by 
any rcferoniue to grammar or common sen.^o : if he 
were even acquainted with the common Ib.nns of 
Jjis office, I should ihiak him as well qu.Tliliod for it 
as any man in his Mnj^^sly's service. Tl»e reader 
is requested to observe Lord Rochlbrd's mctliod of 
authenticating a public instrument. " Kn loi de 
" quoi, 7/Ku* sous^igno un dcs'principaux Sct"rct;)ires 
" tl'Etat S, M. B.oi si'';ne la presenle de m.\ signu- 
" ture ordinaire, et icellc faitupposcr lo o;ichel <!e 
"■yjos Annes/' Jn three lints ihcsc .u? noj^<^sthAn 



iTfiviti^ travelled thu» fwr in llic high road 
/>i m>i(U;r oi' iiivAy I may now he pcrmit(»-d !o 
WHridcr (1 lilth; into th»; held of iinaj(inii(ion. 
Li'.l IJ1 Ijanish from our rnifids 1li<; per«ij!iHiori, 
that th^Hf; events have really hap[»f;ned in the 
rei^rn ol thf; hest «d I'rinees ; let ns considei 
them Ji» nolhin;^ tM'jre than the materials of a 
fahle, in whleli we rnay eoneeive the Sove- 
n;ign ofsoine other eountry to he concerned. 
I mean to violate all the laws of prohahility, 
when I HUf;po.HC that thiw imaginary Kin^, after 
having voluntarily disgrac^ed himself in the 
eyes of hin auhjectM, might return to a senH« 
of his dishonour; that he might perceive the 
snare laid for him \>y hiv Ministers, and feel a 
»f)ark of rtlianie kinrJIing in his hreant. '1 he 
part he mu«t then he ohiiged to act would 
overwhelm him with <;<Hd'u»ion. To his jiar- 
liament In; must hay, / calUd you tof^fMier to 
rtrnvf, your advice, ami, kovc ntvi/r naked yoiir 
npinioa. 'I'o the men:tiant, / hare dislrc/igf.d 
your commerce • / kuve drni!;^«;d your Hearnen 
out of your nkipii ; I hace Loaded you viilh. a, 
^rievoun weiji^hl of inwrancen. 'Jo (he land- 
holder, I told you, vJirv)ax loo prohahlr, v;lien I 
waf delermiued to nufjrnd to oiiy terras of ac- 
lommodalion ; I extorted new laxen from you 
before it v^m ponxiJjle they could he VMided, a.nd 
nm now uauhle lo (ircoont fur the appli'alion of 
them, 'i'o the puhlir- cn;<iitor, / liavedeiirered 
■up your fortune a prey to foreifr/ieni, and to the 
vilest of your felUyw-Huhjecti'.. I'trhaj^s this re- 
pentirig I'rince might conc.ludo with one gene- 
ral acknowiedgrnent to them all : \ have in- 
volved every raiilc of my ttuJijccln in artxitly and 
dittrens ; and, haoe ruAliiw^ lo offer you, tn re- 

[, teven fahe concords*. Kiit the »nari dor^ not even 
know the Ktyle of Win office, if lie Ir-id known it, he 

,#»rould have said, " AV/iM, RouHsigne Secretaire 
«* d' Etat dg S. M. B. avoru sigue," &c. 



234 JUNIUS. 

turUf but the certainty of national dishonour, an 
armed truce, and peace without security. ^ 

If titese accounts were settled, there would 
still retnain an apology to be made to his 
navy and to his army. To the first he would 
say — YoK were once the terror of the world. But 
go back to your harbours. A man dishonoured, 
as I am, has no use for your service. It is not 
probable Ihat he would appear again before 
his soldiers,, even in the pacific ceremony of a 
review.* But, wherever he appeared, the hu- 
miliating confession would bf; extorted from 
him : / tiave received a blow, and had not spirit 
t& resent it I demanded satisfaction, and have 
accepted a declaration, in which the rigid to strike 
me again, is asserted and conjirmed. His coun- 
tenance, at least, would speak this language, 
and even liis guards Avould blush fur uini. 

But to return to our argument. The Minis- 
try, it seems, are labouring to draw a line of 
disrinction between the honour of the crowo 
and the righcs of the people. This new idea 
has yet only been started in discourse; for, in 
effect, both objects have been equally sacri- 
ficed. 1 neither understand the distinction, 
nor what use the ministry propose to make of 
it. The King's honour is that of his people. 
Their real honour and real interest are the 
same. I am not contending for a vain punc- 
tilio. A clear unblemished character compre- 
hends not only the integrity that will not of- 
fer, but the spirit that will not submit to, an 
injury; and whether it belongs to an indi- 
vidual, or to a community, it is the foundation 
of peace, of independence, and of safety. Pri- 
vate credit is wealth ; public honour is secu- 

* A mistake : he appears before thein every day, ■ 
%rith a -ijiark of g. blow upon Ids face. Froh pudnr ! 



JUMUS. 235 

rity. The feather that adorns the royal bird, 
supports his flight. Strip liim of his plumage, 
and you tix him to the eai-th. 

JUNIUS. 



LETTER XLIII. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 
Sir, February 6, 1771. 

I HOPE your correspondent Junius is belter 
employed than in answering or reading the 
criticisms of of a newspaper. This is a task, 
from which, if he were inclined to submit to 
it, his friends ought to relieve him. Upon this 
principle, I shall undertake to answer Anti- 
Junius, more, 1 believe, to his conviction, than 
to his satisfaction. Not daring to attack the 
main body of Junius's last letter, he triumphs 
iti having, as he thinks, surprised an outpost, 
and cut off a detached argument, a mere strag- 
gling proposition. But even in this petty war- 
Rire he shall find himself defeated. 

Junius does not speak of the Spanish nation 
as the natural enemies of England ; he applies 
that description, with the strictest truth and 
justice, to the Spanish court. From the mo- 
ment, when a prince of the house of Bourbon 
ascended that throne, their whole system of 
government was inverted, and became hostile 
to this country. Unity of possession intro- 
duced a unity of politics ; and Lewis the Four- 
teenth had reason, when he said to his grand- 
son, " The Pyrenees are removed." The his- 
tory of the present century is one continued 
confirmation of the prophecy. 

The assertion, " Thai violence and oppreS' 



236 JUiNlUS. 

i'^sion at home^ can only be supported by trea-- 
" ckery and submission abroad,'" is applied to a i 
tree people, whose rights are invaded, not to i 
the government of a country, where despotic 
or absolute power is confessedl}' vtstod in the 
Prince ; and, with this a{)[ilica{ion, the asser- 
tion is true. An absolute monarch having no i 
points to carry at home, will naturally main- 
tain the honour of his crown, in all his trans- 
actions with foreign powers. But, if we could I 
suppose the sovereign of a free nation pos- 
sessed with a design to make himself absolute, , 
he would be inconsistent witli himself, if he 
suffered his projects to be interrupted or em- 
barrassed by a foreign war, unless that war 
tended, as in some cases it might, to promote 
his principal design. Of the three exceptions 
to this general rule of conduct, (quoted by 
Anti-Junius,) that of Oliver Cromwell is the 
only one in ponit Harry the eighth, by the 
submission of liis Parliament, was as absolute 
a Prince as Lewis the Fourteenth. Queen 
Elizabeth's government was not oppressive to 
the people, and as to her foreign wars, it ought 
to be Considered, that they were unavoidable. 
The national honour was not in question. She 
Avas compelled to fight in defence of herow-n 
person, and of her title to the crown In the 
common cause of selfish policy, Oliver Crom- 
well should have Cultivated the friendship of 
foreign powders, or, at least, have avoided dis- 
putes Avith them, the better to establish his ty- 
ranny at home. Had he been only a bad man, 
he would have sacrificed the honour of the 
nation to the success of his domestic policy. 
But, with all his crimes, he had tlie spirit of 
an Englishman. The conduct of such a man 
must always be an exception to vulgar rules. 
He had abilities sulficient to reconcile contra- 
dictions, and to make a great nation, at the*** 



JL'MCS. 237 

«ari)« iDomcnt, unhappy and formidable. If it 
■were not for the respect I ]>ciiv tlie Minister, 
*l could n^me a man, wiio, without one grain 
of uudcplanding, can do half as much as Oli- 
ver Crom\s'fcll.' 

VVhelhcr or no llmre be a secret aysiem in the 

1 closet, ami what majf be the object of it,, arc 

qnestions which can only be determineif by 

appearances, and on which every man must 

decide lor himself. 

The whole plan of Junins's letters proves 
(hat he himself makes no distinction between 
the real honour of the crown and the real in- 
terest of the people. In the climax to which 
yonr correspondent objects, Junius adopts the 
language of the court, and, by that conformi- 
ty* gives strength to his argument. He snys, 
that " Ihe Kitig has not only sacrificed the rn- 
<' tcrest of his people, Out (what was likely to 
" touch him mort* nearly) his jxirsonal reputu- 
" tiony and the dignity of his crovm." 

Thfe queries put by Anti-Junius can onhv'bc 
answered by liie Ministry. Abandoned as they 
are, 1 fancy they will not confess that they 
have, for so many years, maintained posses- 
sion of another mans property. After admit- 
ting llie assertion of the Ministry, viz. That 
the Spaniards had no rightful claim, and after 
justifying them for saying so, it is /m business, 
not mine, to give us some good reason for 
\hc\T suffering tlic pretensions of Spain to be a 
sulrjcct of litgocialion. He admits the facts; let 
him reconcile them if he can. 

The last paragraph brings us back to the 
origisial question, Whether tiie Spanish decla- 
ration contains such a satisfaction as the King 
of Great Britain ought to have accepted ? This 
was tl'.e (ield upon uhlch he ought to have en- 
countered Junius openly and.fairly. But here 
''lie. itavcs tli;; argument. a9 no longer defensi- 



238 JUNIUS, 

ble, [ sliall, therefore, conclude with one 
general admonition to my fellow-subjects ;y, 
that, when they hear these matters debated 
they should not sutfer themselves to be misled 
by general declamations upon the conveni- 
ences of peace, or the miseries of war. Be- 
tween peace and w^ar abstractedly, there is 
not, there cannot, be a question, in the mind 
of a rational being. The real questions are, 
Have we any security that the peace we have so 
dearly purchased ivill last a twehemonth? and 
if not. Have we, or have we not, sacrificed the 
fairest opportunity of making war with advan- 
tage ? 

PHILO JUNIUS. 



LETTER XLIV. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

Sir, April 22, 1771. 

To write for profit, without taxing the press : 
to write for fame, and to be unknown ; to 
support the intrigues of faction, and to be dis- 
owned as a dangerous auxiliary by every party 
in the kingdom, are contradictions which the 
minister must reconcile before I forfeit my 
credit with the public. I may quit the service, 
but it would be absurd to suspect me of deser- 
tion. The reputation^ of these papers is an 
honourable pledge for my attachment to the 
people. To sacrifice a respected character, 
and to renounce the esteem of society, requires 
more than Mr Wedderburne's resolution : and 
though in him it was rather a profession than 
a desertion of his principles, (I speak tenderly, 
of this gentleman ; for when treachery is m 



JUNIUS. 235» 

question, I think we should make allowances 
(for a Scotchman) yet we have seen him in the 
House of Common? overvyhelmed with confu- 
sion, and ah.nost bereft of his faculties. But, 
in truth, Sir, I have left no room for an aecom- 
modatiou Avith the piety of St. Jaraes'a. My 
offences are not to be redeemed by recgtnta- 
tion or repentance. On one side, our warmest 
patriots would disclaim me as a burthen to 
their honest ambition. On the other, the 
vilest prostitution, if Junius could descend to 
it, would lose its natural merit and influence in 
the cabinet, and treachery be no longer a re- 
commendation to the royal favour. 

The persons who, till within these few years, 
have been most distinguished hy their zeal for 
high-church, and prerogative, are now, it 
seems, the great assertors of the privileges of 
the House of Commons. This sudden altera- 
tion of their sentiments, or language, carries 
with it a suspicious appearance. When I hear 
the undefined privileges of the popular branch 
of the legislature exalted by Tories and Jaco- 
bites, at the expense of those strict rights which 
are known to the subject, and limited by the 
laws, I cannot but suspect that some mischie- 
vous scheme is in agitation, to destroy both 
law and privilege, by opposing them to each 
other. They who have uniformly denied the 
power of the whole Legislatui-e to alter the 
descent of the Crown, and whose ancestors, 
in rebellion against his Majesty's family, have 
defended that doctrine at the hazard of their 
lives, now tell us, that privilege of Parliament 
is the only rule of right, and the chief security 
of the public freedom. I fear, Sir, that, while 
forms remain, there has been some material 
change in the substance of our constitution. 
The opinions of these men were too absurd to 
■6e so easily renounced. Liberal minds are 



240 JUNIUS. 

open to conviction ; liberal doctrines are capa- 
ble of improvement. There are proselytes^ 
from atlieism, but iipne from superstition. If 
Mieir present professions vvere sincerQ, I tliink 
they could not but be highly ottendea'at see- 
ing a question concerning parliamentary privi-i 
lege,.)Luniecessarily started at a seasons© unfa- 
vourable to the House of Commons, and by) 
so very mean and insignificant a person as thei 
minor Onslow. They knew that the present 
House of Commons, having commenced hos- 
tilities with tlie people, and degraded the au- 
thority of the laws by their own example, werei 
likely enough to be resisted per fas et nefas. 
If they were really friends to privilege, they^ 
would have thought the question of right too 
dangerous to be hazarded at this season, and 
without the formality of a convention, would 
have left it undecided. 

I have been silent hitherto, though not fromi 
that shameful indifference about the interests? 
of society, which too many of us profess, and 
call moderation. I confess. Sir, that I felt the 
prejudices of my education in favour of a 
House of Commons still hanging about me. II 
thought that a question bet^^ ean law and privi-' 
lege could never be brought to a formal deci- } 
sion without inconvenience to the public ser- f 
vice, or a manifest diminution of legal liberty; - 
and that it ought therefore to be carefully | 
avoided : and when I saw that the violence of \ 
the House of Commons had carried them too. 
far to retreat, I determined not to deliver a 
hasty opinion upon a matter of so much deli- 
cacy and importance. 

The state of things is much altered in this 
country since it was necessary to protect our 
representatives against the direct power of the* 
Crown. We have nolhmgto apprehend from 
prerogative, but every thing from undue influ*^ 



JUNIUS. 24) 

ence. Formerly, it was the interest of th© 
oeople th fit the privileges of Parliament should 
'lae left unlimited and undefmed. At present, it 
is not only their interest, but 1 hold it to be 
essentially necessary to the preservation of the 
constitution, that the privileges of i'arliament 
should be strictly ascertained, and confined 
I within the narrowest bounds the nature of 
the institution will admit of. Upon the same 
principle on which 1 would have resisted pre- 
rogative in the last century, I now resist privi- 
lege. It is indifferent to me, whether the 
Crown, by its own immediate act, imposes 
new, and dispenses with old laws, or whether 
the .same arbitrary power produces the same 
effects through the medium of the House of 
Commons. We trusted our representatives 
with privileges for their own defence and ours. 
We cannot hinder their desertion, but we can 
prevent their carrying over their arms to the 
service of the enemy. It will be said, that I 
begin with endeavouring to reduce the argu- 
ment concerning privilege to a mere question 
of convenience ; that I deny, at one moment, 
what I would allow at another ; and that, to 
resist the power of a prostituted House of 
Commons, may establish a precedent injurious 
to all future parliaments. To this I answer, 
generally, that human affairs are in no instance 
governed by strict positive right. If change 
of circumstances were to have no weight in 
directing our conduct andopinions, the mutual 
intercourse of mankind would be nothing more 
than a contention between positive and equi- 
table right. Society would be a state of war, 
and law itself would be injustice. On this 
general ground, it is highly reasonable, that 
the degree of our submission to privileges 
which never have been defined, by any posi- 
>4ve law, should be considered as a questioa 
M 



242 JUiXIUS. 

v 

of convenience, and proportioned (o the con- 
fidence we repose in the integrity of our repre- 
sentatives. As to the injury we may do i6 
any future and more respectable House of 
Commons, I own I am not now sanguine 
enough to expect a more plentiful harvest of 
parliamentary virtue in one year than ini 
another. Our political climate is severely al- 
tered ; and, without dwelling upon the def)ra- 
vity of modern times, I think no reasonable' 
man will expect that, as human nature is con- 1 
stituted, the enormous influence of the Crown 
should cease to prevail overthe virtue of indi- 
viduals. The mischief lies too deep to be cu- 
red by any remedy less than some great con- 
vulsion, which may either carry back the con- 
stitution to its original principles, or utterly 
destroy it. I do not doubt, that, in ihe tirst 
session after the next election, some popular 
measures may be adopted. The present House 
of Commons have injured themselves by a too 
early and public profession of their principles ; 
and if a strain of prostitution, Avhich had no 
example, were within the reach of emulation, 
it might be imprudent to hazard the experi- 
ment too soon. But, after all, Sir, it is very, 
immaterial, whether a House of Commons 
shall preserve their virtue foraweek, a month, 
or a year. The influence which makes a sep- 
tennial Parliament dependent on the pleasure 
of the Crown, has a permanent operation, and 
cannot fail of success. My principles, 1 know, 
will be denied in argument ; but every man's; 
conscience tells him they are true. It remains, 
then, to be considered, whetlier it be for the 
interest of the people, that privilege of Parlia- 
ment* (which in respect to the purposes fon 

* The necessity of securing the Ho;ise of Com- j 
moDS against the King's power, sdthat no intQ! rupft' 



JUNIUS. 243 

which it has hitherto been acquiesced under, 
is merely nominal) should be contracted with- 
in some certain limits ; or, whether the sub- 
ject shall be left at the mercy of a power, arbi- 
trary upon the lace of it, and notoriously under 
the direction of the Crown. 

I do not mean to decline the question of 
right; on the contrary', Sir, I join issue with 
the advocates for privilege, and affirm, that, 
excepting the cases " wherein the House of 
" Commons are a court of Judicature, (to which, 
" from the nature of their office, a coercive 
" power must belone,) and excepting sucli coii- 
" tempts as immediately interrupt their pro- 
" ceedings, they have no legal authority to im- 
'' prison any man for any supposed violation 
" of privilege whatsoever." It is not pre- 
tended that privilege, as now claimed, .has 
ever been defined or confirmed by statute ; 
neither can it be said, with any colour of truth, 
to be a part of the common law of England, 
which had grown into prescription long liefore 
we knew any thlngof the existence of a House 
of Commons. As for the law of Parliament, 
it is only another name for the privilege in 
question ; and since the power of creating 
new privileges has been formally renounced, 
by both Houses, since there is no code in which 
we can study the law of Parliament, we have 

tlon might be given either to the attendance of the 
ineiibers in Parliament, or to the freedom of de- 
bate, was the foundation of Parliameniarj privi- 
lege j and we may observe, in ail the addresses of 
new appointed sjieakersto tiie Sovereign, the utiiiost 
privilege they demand, is liberty ot" .'^{ieech, and 
freedom from arrest'. The very word frivilegr. 
means no more than immunity, or a safeguard to 
the party who poFses=es it, and can never be con- 
strued into an active power of invadirie the jigli** 
of otheri. 



244 JUNIUS. 

but one way left to make ourselves acquainted 
with it; that is, to compare the nature of the 
institution of a Jlouse of Commons with the 
facts upon record. To establish a claim of pri- 
vilege in eillier House, and to distinguish ori- 
einal right from usurpation, it must appear, 
that it is indispensably necessary for the per- 
formance of the duty they are employed in» 
and also that it has [)een uniformly allowed. 
From the first part of this description, it fol- 
lows clearly, that, whatever privilege does of 
right belong to the present House of Com- 
mons, did equally belong to the first assembly 
of their predecessors ; Avas as completely vest^ 
ed in them, and might have been exercised in 
the same extent. From the second we must 
infer, that privileges, which for several centu- 
ries were not only never allowed, but never 
even claimed by the House of Commons, must 
Le founded upon usurpation. The coiistitu- 
tional duties of a House of Commons are not 
very complicated nor mysterious. They are 
to propose or assent to wholesome lav.s, for 
liie benefit of the nation. They are to grant 
the necessary aids to the King ; petition for 
the redress of grievances ; and prosecute trea- 
son or high crimes against the state. If un- 
limited privilege be necessary to the perform- 
ance of these duties, we have reason to con- 
clude, that, for many centuries after the insti- 
tution of the House of Commons, they were 
never performed. T am not bound to prove 
a negative: but T appeal to the English his- 
tory, when I afilrm that, with the exceptions 
already stated, which yet I might safely relin- 
quish, there is no j)recedent, from the year 
1265, to the death of Queen Elizabeth, of the 
House of Commons having imprisoned any 
man (not a member of their House) for con- 
tempt or breuch of prlv-lege. In the most 11a- 



JUNICS. 245 

grant cases, and wljen their ackno^vledged 
privileges were most {grossly violated, the ;70or 
Commons, as they tiieu styled themselves, 
never took the power of punishment in their 
own hands. 'J'hey either sought redress hy 
petition to the King, or what is more remark- 
able, applied for justice to the House of Lords ; 
and when satisfaction was denied them, or de- 
layed, their only remedy was to refuse pro- 
ceeding upon the King's business. So little 
conception had our ancestors of the monstrous 
doctrines now maintained concerning privi- 
lege, that, in the reign of Elizabeth, even 
liberty of speech, the vital principle of a de- 
liberative assembly, was restrained, by the 
Queen's authority, to a simple eye or no; and 
this restriction, though imposed upon three 
successive Parliaments,* was never once dis- 
puted by the House of Commons. 

I know there are many precedents of arbi- 
trary commitments for contempt; but besides 
that they are of too modern a date to warrant 
a }»resumption that such a poAver was origi- 
nally invested in the House of Commons,/aci 
alone does not constitute right. If it does, 
general v^ arraiits were lawful. An ordinance 
of the two houses has a force equal to law : 
and the criminal jurisdiction assumed by the 
Commons in 1621, in the case of Edward 
Lloyd, is a good precedent to Avarrant the like 
})roceedings against any man Avho shall unad- 
visedly mention the folly of a King or the am- 
bition of a Princess. The truth is, Sir, that 
the greatest and most exceptionable pai"t of 
the privileges now contended for, Avere intro- 
duced and asserted by the House of Com- 
mons, Avhich abolished both Monarchy and 
Peerage, and Avhose proceedings, although 

* In tlie years 1593, 1597, and 1601. 



U6 JUiNIUS. 

they ended in one glorious act of substantial 
justice, could no way be reconciled to the 
forms of the constitution. Their successors 
profited by their example, nnd confirmed their 
power by a moderate or popular use of it. 
Thus it grew, by degrees, from a notorious in- 
novation at one period, to be tacitly admitted 
as the privilege of Parliament at another, 
^ If, however, it could be proved, from con- 
siderations of necessity or convenience, that 
an unlimited power of commitment ought to 
be intrusted to the House of Commons, and 
that, in fact, they have exercised it without 
opposition, still, in contemplation of law, the 
presumption is strongly against them. It is a 
leading maxim of the laws of England (and, 
without it,-all laws are nugatory) that there is 
no ria;:U Avithout a remedy, nor any legal pow- 
er without a legal course to carry it into effect. 
Let the power, now in question, be tried by 
this rule. The speaker issues his warrant of 
attachment. The party attached either resists 
force witli force, or appeals to a magistrate, 
who declares the warrant illegal, and dischar- 
ges the prisoner. Does the law provide no 
legal means for enforcing a legal warrant ? 
Is tliere no regular proceeding pointed out in 
our law books, to assert and vindicate the au- 
thority of so high a court as the House of 
Co'amoiis ? The question is answered direct- 
ly by the fcict ; their unlawful commands are 
resisted, and they have no remedy. The im- 
prisonraaat of their OAvn members is revenge 
indeed ; but it is no assertion of the privilege 
they contend for.* Their whole proceeding 

* Upon their own principles, they should haVe 
committed Mr. Wilkes, who had been guilty of a 
greater offence than even the Lord iVlayor or Al- 
derman Oliver, But, after repeatedly ordering 
him to attend, they at last adjourned beyond the 



JUNIUS. 247 

stops ; and there they stand, ashamed to re- 
treat, and unable to advance. Sir, these ig 
norant men should be informed, that the exe- 
cution of the laws of England is not left in 
this uncertain, defer.celess condition. If the 
process of the courts of \Vestminster-hall be 
resisted, they have a direct course to enforce 
submission. The court of King's Bench com- 
mands the Sherift" to mise the posse comitatus; 
the courts of Chancery and Exchequer issue 
a urif of rtbtliion; which must also be sup- 
ported, if necessary, by the power of the coun- 
ty. To whom wall our honest representatives 
direct their writ of rebellion ? The guards, 1 
doubt not, are willing enough to be employ- 
ed ; but they know nothing of the doctrine of 
writs, and may think it necessary to wait for 
a letter from Lord Barrington. 

It may now be objected to me, that my ar- 
guments prove too much : for that certainly 
there may be instances of contempt and insult 
to the House of Commons, which do not fall 
within my own exceptions, yet, in regard to 
the dignity of the House, ought not to pass un- 
punished. Be it so. The courts of criminal 
jurisdiction are open to prosecutions, which 
the Attorney-General may commence by in- 
formation or indictment. A libel tending to 
Hsperse or vilify the House of Commons, or 
any of their members, may be as severely pun- 
ished in the Court of King's Bench, as a libel 
upon the King. Mr. De Grey thought so, when 
he drew up the information of my letter to his 
Majesty, or he had no meaning in charging it 
to be a scandalous libel upon the House of 
Commons. In my opinion, they would con- 
sult their real dignity much better, by appeal- 
day appointed for his attendance, and by this mean, 
pitil'nl evasion, gave up the poiut. 



248 JITMUS. 

ing to the laws, when they are offended, than 
by violating the first principle of natural jus- 
tice, which forbids us to be judges, when we' 
are parties to the cause.* ' 

I do not mean to pursue them through the^ 
remainder of their proceedings. In their first i 
resolutions, it is possible they might have been i 
deceived by ill-considered precedents. Fort 
the rest, there is no colour of palliation or ex- 
cuse. They have advised the King to resume ; 
a power of dispensing with the laws by royal 1 
proclamation ;t and Kings, we see, are ready 
enough to follow such advice. By mere vio- 
lence, and without the shadow of right, they 

* " If it he demanded, in case a subject should 
*' be committed by either House for a matter mani- 
*' festly out of their jurisdiction, what remedy can 
*' he have p I answer, that it cannot well be iuia- 
" gined that the law, which favours nothing more 
** than the liberty of the subject, should give us a 
" remedy against commitments by the King him- 
*' self, appearing to be illegal, and yet give us no 
" minner of redress against a commitment by our 
*' fellow- subjects, equally appearing to be unwar- 
*' ranted. But, a3 tjiis is a case which, J am per- 
*' suaded, will never happen, it seems needless over- 
v nicely to examine it." Hankins, ii. 110. 

N, B. He was a good lawyer, but no prophet. 

f That their practice might be every way con- 
formable to their principles, the House proceeded 
to advise tlie crown to publish a proclamation, uni- 
versally acknowledged to be illegal. Mr. IVIore- 
ton publicly protested against it before it was is- 
sued ; and Lord MansGeld, though not scrupulous 
to an extreme, speaks of it with horror. It is re- 
markable enough, that ti)e \%ry men who advised 
the proclamation, and who h^ar it anaigned eveiy 
day, both within doors and without, are not daring 
enough to utter one word in its defence ; nor have 
they venuired to take the least notice of Mr. 
Wilkes, for discharging the persons apprehended 
under it. 



JUISIUS. '249 

have expunged the record of a judicial pro- 
ceeding* jNothing remained but to attribute 
to tiicir own vote a power of stopping the 
whole distribution of criminal and civil jus- 
tice. 

The public virtues of the Chief Magistrate 
Itave long since ceased to be in question. But, 
it is saidi that he has private good qualities ; 
<nnd I myself have been ready to acknowledge 
tlieni. i'hey are now brought to the test If 
he loves his people, he will dissolve a Parlia- 
ment, wiiich they can never confide in or 
respect. If he has any regard for his own 
honour, he W'ill disdain to be any longer con- 
nected with such abandoned prostitution. But 
if it were conceivable, that a King of this 
country had lost all sense of personal honour, 
and all concern for the welfare of his subjects, 
I confess, Sir, I should be contented to re^ 
nounce the forms of the constitution once 
more, if there were no other way to obtain 
substantial justice for the people.! 

JUNIUS. 

* Lord Chatham very properly called this the act 
of a mob, not of a senate-. 

f V\ hen Mr. Wilkes was to be punlivhed, they 
made no s-crtiple ti bout the privileges of i^arliamerit; 
and althou;^h it was as well known as any matter 
of public record and uniaterrupted custom could be. 
That the members of either House are privileged, ex- 
^i-pt in case of ireu&'m, felony, or breach (f jteace, 
\\\ey (lecl.ired, without hQ-Ax-li'^on, That •privilege of 
j-'iirliarncut did not extend to the case oj a sedilimis 
Ubf.l: and undoubtedly they would have done the 
f^une, if jVIr. Wilkes had been prosecuted for any 
other misdemeanor whatsoever. The ministry are, 
of a sudden, grown wonderfully careful of priyi- 
it'ges, which their predecessors were as ready to in- 
vade Tlie known laws of the land, the rights of 
t tx- subject, the sanctity of charters, and the reve- 
vi-ccs due to our magistrates, must all give way, 
M2 



250 JU^'IL!S. 

LETTER XLV. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 
Sir, May 1, 1771. 

Thky who object to detached parts of Ju- 
nius's last letter, either do not mean him fair- 
ly, or have not considered the jccneral scope 
and course of his argument. There are de- 
grees in all the private vices ; why not in pub- 
lic prostitution ? The intluence of the Crown 
'naturally makes a septennial Parliament de- 
pendent. Does it follovv', that every House of 
Commons will plunge at once into the lowest 
depths of prostitution ? Junius supposes, that 
the present House of Commons, in going such 
enormous lengths, have been imprudent to 
themseh'es, as well as wicked to the public ; 
that their example is not within the reach of 
emulation ; and that, in the hrst session after 
the next election., some popular measures may 
probably be adopted. He does not expect that 
a dissolution of Parliament will destroy cor- 
ruption, but that, at least, it will be a check 

without question or resistance, to a privilege of 
which no man knows either the origin or the ex- 
tent. The House of CommoDS judge of their own 
privileges without appeal; they may take offence 
at the inost innocent action, and imprison the per- 
son who offends them during their arbitrary will 
and pleasure;. The prn'ty has no remedy ; he can- 
not appeal from their jurisdiction ; and if he ques- 
tions the privilege which he is supposed to have vi- 
olated, it becomes au aggravation of his ofTence, 
Surely this doctrine is not to be found in iVlagna 
Charta. If it be ndmilted without limitation, 1 af- 
firm, that there is neither law nor liberty in this 
kingdom. We are the slaves of the House of Com- 
mons; and through them, we are the slaves of the 
King and his Ministers. Anonymous. 



JUNIUS. 251 

and terror to their successsors, who will have 
seen, that, in flagrant cases, their constituents 
can and will interpose Avith effect. After alU 
Sir, will you not endeavour to remove or al- 
leviate the most dangerous symptoms, because 
you cannot eradicate the disease ? Will you 
not punish treason or parricide, because the 
sight of a gil)bet does not prevent highway 
robberies? When the main argument of Ju- 
nius is admitted to be unanswerable, I think 
it would become the minor critic, who hunts 
for blemishes, to be a little more distrustful of 
his own sagacity. The other objection is 
hardly wortii a u answer. When Junius ob- 
serves, that Kings are ready enough to follow 
suck advice, he!" does not mean to insinuate, 
that if the advice of Parliament were good, 
the King would be so ready to follow it. 

PHILO JUiNIUS. 



LETTER XLVI. 

Mdressedlo the Printer of Ike Public Advertiser. 

Sir, May 22, 1771. 

Veky early in the debate upon tlie decision 
of the Middlesex election, it was well observed, 
by Jimius, that the House of Commons "had 
not on!y exceeded their boasted precedent of 
the expulsion, and subsequent incapacitation 
of Mr. Walpole, but that they had not even 
adhered to it strictly, as far as it went. After 
convicting Mr. Dyson of giving a false quota- 
tion from the journals, and having explained 
the })urpose which that contemptible fraud 
was intended to answer, he proceeds to etate 
the vote itself by which Mr. VValpole's sup- 



^^^2 JXJMUS. 

posed incapacity Avas declared, viz. "Kesol- 
" ved, that Robert Walpole, Esq. having been 
*' this session of Parliament committed a pri- 
*' soner to the Tower, and expelled this House, 
*' for a hii^h breach of trnst in the execution 
*''of his office, and notorious corruption when 
*< Secretary at War, was, and is incapable of 
*' being elected n member to serve in this 
*• present Parliament." And then observes, 
that, from the terms of the vote, we have no 
right to annex the incapacitation to the expul- 
sion only ; for that, as the projjosition stands, 
it must arise equally from the expulsion and 
the commitment to the Tower. I believe, Sir, 
no man, who knows any thing of dialectics, 
or who understands English, will dispute the 
Irulli and fairness of this construction. But 
Junius has a great authority to support him ; 
Avliioh, to speak with the Duke of (iraflon, I 
accidentally met with this morning in the 
course of my reading. It contains an admo- 
nition, which cannot be repeated too often. 
Lord Somniors, in his excellent Tract upon 
the rights of the peoples after reciting the 
votes of the convention of the 2Sth of Jauu- 
.ary, \Qb9, viz. " That King James 11, having 
<' endeavoured to subvert the constitution of 
<• this kingdom, by breaking the original con- 
" tract between King and people ; and by the 
♦' advice of Jesuits, and other wicked persons, 
*' having violated the fundaujcntal laws, and 
<' having withdrawn himself out of tiiis king- 
♦' dom, hath abdicated the government," &c. 
makes this observation upon it: " I'he word 
*' abdicated relates to all the clauses aforego- 
" ing, as well as to his deserting the kingdoVi, 
<« or else they would have been wholly iit 
« vain," And, that there might be no pre- 
tence for confining the abdication merely to the 
u'iflidrau'iiigy Lord Sommers farther observes, 



.lUMLS. 2hZ 

Thai king JameSi hy refu/ting to got am us ac- 
cording to that lav;, hy uhirk he held the CrouHt 
did implicitly rcnoumx his title to it. 

If Junius's coiistruclioti of the vote against 
Mr. Walpole be now ndraitted, and, indeed, 
I cannot comprehend how it can honestly be 
disputed, the advocates of the House of Com- 
mons must either give up their precedent en- 
tirely, or be reduced to the necessity of main- 
taining one of the grossest absurdities imagi- 
nable, viz. " Tiiat a commitment to the Tovv- 
" er is a constituent part of, and contribute? 
*' half, at least to, the incapacitation of the 
*' P'.'rson who sufl'ers it." * 

J need not make you any excuse for endea- 
vouring to keep alive the attention of the [>ul>-|, 
lie, to llie deci^iion of the Middlesex electixjn. 
The more I consider it, the more I am con- 
vinced, that, as a/ad, it is, indeed, highly in- 
jurious to the rights of tlie people ; but that, 
as a precedent, it is one of the most dangerous 
that ever was established against those who 
are to come after us. Yet 1 am so far a mode- 
rate man, that I verily believe the majority of 
the House of Commons, when they passed 
this dangerous vote, neither understood the ' 
question, or knew l!ie consequence of what 
they were doing, 'ilieir motives were rather 
despicable than criminal, in the extreme. One 
effect they certainly did not foresee. They 
are now reduced to such a situation, (hat, if a 
member of tlie present House of Commons 
were to conduct himself ever so improperly, 
and, in reality, deserve to br; sent back to his 
constituents with a mark of disgrace, they 
would not dare to expel him ; bi'cause they 
know that the people, in order to try again the 
^reat question of right, or to thwart an odi- 
ous House of Commons, would probably over- 
look his immtdiatc unworthine«.s-, and return 



254 JUNIUS. 

the same person to Parliament. But, in time, 
the precedent will gain strength, A future 
House of Commons will have no such appre- 
hensions, consequently will not scruple to i 
follow a precedent which they did not esta- ■ 
blish. The miser himself seldom lives to en- • 
joy the fruit of his extortion ; but his heir sue- I 
ceeds to him of course, and takes possession i 
without censure. No man expects him to i 
make restitution, and, no matter for his title, , 
he lives quietly upon the estate. 

PHILO JUNIUS. 



LETTER XLVII. 

To the Printer of the Public Mvertiscr. . 

Sm, May 25, 1771. 

I CONFESS ray partiality to Junius, and feel 
a considerable pleasure in being able to com- 
municate anything to the public in support of 
his opinions. The doctrine laid down in his 
last letter, concerning the power of the House 
of Commons to commit for contempt, is not 
so new as it appeared to many people ; who, 
dazzled with the name oi privilege, had never 
suffered themselves to examine the question 
fairly. In the course of my reading this morn- 
ing, I met with the following passage in the 
journals of the House of Commons, (vol. i. p. 
'603.) Upon occasion of a jurisdiction unlaw^ 
fully assumed by the House, in the year 1621, 
Mr. Attorney-General Noye gave his opinion 
as follows : " No doubt but, in some cases, 
" this House may give judgment, in matters of 
" returns, and concerning members of our " 
<' House, or falling out in our view in Parlia- 



JUNIUS. 255 

" lueut ; but, for foreign matters, knovveth not 
" how we can judge it; knowethnot that we 
*< have been used to give judgment in any 
«< case, but those before mentioned." , 

Sir Edward Coke, upon the same subjects, 
says, (page 604,) '< No question but this is a 
" House of record, and that it hath power of 
"judicature in some cases; have power to 
" judge of returns and members of our House. 
"One, no member, offending out of the Par- 
" liament, wlicnhecame hither, andjustijiedit, 
" was censured for it." 

Now, Sir, if you will compare the opinion 
of these great sages of the law with Junius's 
doctrine, you will find they tally exactly. He 
allows the power of the House to commit their 
own members, which, however, they may 
grossly abuse ; he allows their power in cases 
where they are acting as a court of judicature, 
viz. elections, returns, &c. and he allows it in 
such contempts as immediately interrupt their 
proceedings; or, as Mr. Noye expresses it, 
falling out in their view in Parliament. 

They who would carry the privileges of 
Parliament farther than .Junius, either do not 
mean well to the public, or know not what 
they are doing. The government of England 
is a government of law". We betray ourselves, 
we contradict the spirit of our laws, and we 
shake the whole system of English jurispru- 
dence, whenever we intrust a discretionary 
power over the life, liberty, or fortune of the 
subject, to any man, or set of men whatsoever, 
upon a presumption that it will not be abused. 
^ PHiLO JUNIUS. 



266 JUNIUS. 

LETTER XLVIU, 
To the Printer of the Public Adverliser. 
Sin, " May 28, 1771, 

Any man who takes the trouble of perusing* ; 
the journals of the House of Commons, will 1 
soon be convinced, that very little, if any re- 
gard at ali, ought to be paid to the resolutions 
of one branch of tlie legislature, declaratory 
of the law of the land, or even of Avhat they 
call the law of Parliament. It will appear that 
these resolutions have no one of the proper- 
ties by which, in this country particularly, law 
is distinguished from mere will and pleasure ; 
but that, on the contrary, they bear every 
mark of a power arbitrarily assumed, and ca- 
priciously applied : that they are usually made 
in times of contest, and to serve some unwor- 
thy purpose of passion or party ; that the law 
15 seldom declared until after the fact by which 
it is supposed to be violated ; that legislation 
and jui'isdiction are united in the same per- 
sons, and exercised at the same moment ; and 
that a court from which there is no appeal, 
assumes an original jurisdiction in a criminal 
case. In short, Sir, to collect a thousand ab- 
surdities into one mass, " we have a law whiph 
" cannot be known, because it is ex post fac- 
^^ to ; the party is both legislator and judgo, 
" and the jurisdiction is without app«d." 
Well might the judges say, " The law of Par- 
" liament is above us." 

You will not wonder, Sir, that with these 
qualifications, the declaratory resolutions of 
the House of Commons should appear to be 
sn perpetual contradiction, not only to com- 
mon sense, and to the laws we are acquainted 
with, (and which alone we can obcy.^t but 



JUiNlUS. 257 

even to one aaolhcr. I was led to trouble you 
with these observations by a passage, which, 
to speak in lutestring, I met with this morning 
in the course of my reading, and upon which I 
mean to put a question to the advocates for 
privilege. On the 8th of MarcJ], 1704, (vide 
Journals, vol. xiv. p. 566, the House thought 
proper to come to the following resolutions : 1. 
'-' That no Commoner of England, committed 
" by the House of Commons for breach of 
" privilege, or contempt of that House, ought 
<^ to be, by any writ of Habeas Corpus, made 
" to appear in any other place, or before any 
" other judicature, during that session of Par- 
" liament wherein such person was so com- 
" mitted." 

2. « That the Sergeant at Arras, attending 
" this House, do make no return of, or yield 
<' any obedience to, the said writs of Habeas 
<« Corpus; and for such his refusal, that he 
" have the protection of the House of Com- 
" mons."* 

Welbore Ellis, wlmt say you ? Is this the 
law of Parliament, or is it not? I am a plain 
Inan, Sir, and cannot follow you through the 
phlegmatic forms of an oration. Speak out, 
Grildrig, say yes or no. If you say yes, I shall 

* If there he, in rcRh'ty, any such law in Eng- 
land, as the La7v of Purliamenl, which, (under the 
exception stated in my letter on privilege,) I con- 
fess, after long delil^eralion, I very much doubt, it 
certainly is not coiisUUited by, nor can it be col- 
lected from, the resolutionsofeitherHoii.se, whether 
inucting or declaratory. I desire tiie reader will 
compare the above resolution of the year 1704, 
with the following of the 3d of April, 1628 : " Rc- 
" solved. That the writs of Habeas Corpus cannot be 
•' denied, but ought to be granted, to every man 
" that is committed or detained iti prison, or other- 
*' wise restrained by the command of the King, the 
" privy council, or any other, he praying the same," 



258 JUNIUS. 

then inquire by what authority Mr. De Grey, 
the honest Lord Mansfield, aucf the Barons of 
the Exchequer dared to grant a Avrit of Ha- 
beas Corpus for bringing the bodies of the Lord 
Mayor and Mr. Oliver before them ; and why 
the Lieutenant of the Tower made any return 
to a writ, which the House of Commons had 
in a similar instance declared to be unlawful. 
If you say no, take care you do not at once 
give up the cause in support of which you have 
so long and so laboriously tortured your un- 
derstanding. Take care you do not confess 
that (here is no test by which we can distin- 
guisii , no evidence by which we can determine, 
what is, and what is not, the law of Parlia- 
ment. The resolutions I have quoted, stand 
upon your jonrnals, uncontroverted and un- 
repealed: tliey contain a declaration of the 
law of Parliament, by a court competent to 
the question, and whose decision, as you and 
Lord Manslield say, must be law, because 
there is no appeal from it : and they were 
made, not hastily, but after long deliberation 
upon a constitutional question. What farther 
sanction or solemnity will you annex to any 
resolution of the present House of Commons, 
beyond what appears upon the face of those 
two resolutions, the legality of which you now 
deny .'' Jf you say that Parliaments are not in- 
fallible, and that Queen Anne, in consequence 
of the violent proceedings of that House of I 
Commons, was obliged to prorogue and dis- • 
solve them, I shall agree with you very heartily, , 
and think that the precedent ought to be fol- • 
lowed immediately. But you, Mr. Ellis, who i 
holdtli:;; language, are inconsistent with your , 
own principles. You have hitherto main- [ 
taincr!, that the House of Commons are the>; 
sole judges of their own privileges, and that 
their declaration does ipso facto constitute the 



♦ 



.*, 



JAJISIUS. 259 

law of Parliament ; yet now you confess 
^lat Parliaments are fallible, and that their 
resolutions may be illegal : consequently, that 
(heir resolutions do not constitute the law of 
Parliament. When the King was urged to dis- 
solve the present Parliament, you advised him 
to tell his subjects, that he iias careful not to 
assiwie any of those powers irhirJi the constiiution 
had placed in other hands, ^c. Yet Queen 
Anne, it seems, was justified in exerting her 
prerogative to stop a House of Commons, 
whose proceeding, compared with those of the 
assembly of which you are a most worthy 
member, were the perfection of justice and 
reason. 

In what a labyrinth of nonsense does a man 
involve himself who labours to maintain false- 
hood by argument ? Hov/ much better would 
it become the dignity of the House of Com- 
mons, to speak plainly to the people, and tell 
us, at once, that their loill must he obeyed; not 
because it is lawful and reasonable, but because 
it is their will ! ! Their constituents would have 
a better opinion of their candour, and, I pro- 
mise you, not a worse opinion of their integrity. 
PHILO JUiNlUS. 



LETTER XLIX. 

To his Grate the Duke of Grafton. 

My Lord, June 22, 1771. 

Tun profound respect I have to the gracious 
.Prince who governs this country, with no less 
honour to himself than satisfaction to his sub- 
jects, and who restores you to your rank ?jn- 
der his standard, will save you from a multi- 
tude of reproaches. Ths attention 1 should 



k 



260 JUNIUS. 

have paid to your failings, is involuntarily at i 
tracted to the hand that rewards them ; an^ 
though 1 am not so partial to the Royal judg-: 
ment as to atDrm, that the favour of a kin^ 
can remove mountains of infamy, it serves Ic 
lessen, at least, (for undoubtedly it divides,' 
the burden. While I remember how much isi 
due to his sacred character, I cannot, witt 
any decent appearance of propriety, call yov 
the meanest and basest fellow in the king; 
dom. I protest, my Lord, 1 do not think yoi: 
so. You will have a dangerous rival in thai 
kind of fame, to which you have hithertc 
so happily directed your ambition, so Ions 
as there is one man living who thinks yoi 
worthy of his confidence, and fit to be trust i 
ed wnth any share in his government. I con: 
fess you have great intrinsic merit ; but take 
care you do not value it too highly. Conside] 
how much of it w'ould have been lost to the 
world, if the King had not graciously afiixec 
his stamp, and given it currency among hii^ 
subjects. If it be true that a vii'tuous mam 
struggling with adversity, be a scene worthy 
of the gods, the glorious contention betweei: 
you find the best of Princes deserves a circle 
equally attentive and respectable : I think ] 
already see other gods rising from the eartl: 
to behold it. 

But this language is too mild for the occa-j 
sion. The King is determined that our abili- 
ties shall not ,be lost to society. The perpe-i 
tration and description of new crimes will! 
faid employmeut for us both. My Lord, if the 
persons who have been loudest in their pro j 
fessions of patriotism, had done their duty to 
the public with the same zeal and perseve i 
ranee that I did, I will not assert that govern-i 
ment would have recovered its dignity, but at 
kast our gracious Sovereigntmust have sparest 



JUJNIUS. 261 

bis subjects this last insult:- which, if tlierebe 
Kny fef'iiiig left among; ns, they will resent 
nore than even the real injuries they received 
Tom every measure of your CIrace's adinin- 
slration. In vain would he have looked round 
lim for another character so consummate as 
yours. Lord Mansfield sltrinks from his prin- 
;iples: his ideas of government, perhaps, go 
nrther than your own, but his heart disgraces 
he theory of his understanding. Cliarles Fox 
s yet in blossom ; and as for Mr. Wcdderburno, 
here is something about him which even 
reachery cannot trust. For the present, tiiere- 
'ore, the best of Princes mn^t have content- 
;d himself with Lord Sandwich. You would 
long since have received your final dismission 
uu] reward, and I, my Lord, who do not es- 
:eein you the more for the high oifice you 
oossess, would willingly have followed you to 
foxiY retirement. There is surely something 
5ingularly benevolent in the character of our 
Sovereign. From the moment he ascended 
he throne, there is no crime of which human 
lature is capable (and I call upon the Recor- 
ler to witness it) that has not appeared venial 
n his sight. With any other Prince, the shamo- 
Vil desertion of him in the midst of that dis- 
ress which you alone had created, in the 
i^ery crisis of danger, when he fancied hesav.' 
he throne surrounded by men of virtue and 
iliilities, would have outweighed the memory 
)f your former services. But his majesty is 
nil of justice, and understands the doctrine of 
iompensations. He remembers, with grati- 
'nd(^, how soon you had accommodated your 
[tiorals to the necessity of his service •• iiow 
cheerfully you had abandoned the engage- 
[nents of private friendship, and renounced 

' * The Duke waPlatelv appointed Lord Privy 



263 JUNIUS. 

the most solemn professions to the public; 
The sacrifice of Lord Chatham was not lost 
upon him. Even the cowardice and perfidy 
of deserting him may have done you no dis- 
service in his esteem. The instance was pain- 
ful, but the principle might please. 

You did not neglect the magistrate while 
you flattered the man. The expulsion of Mrj 
Wilkes, predetermined in the cabinet ; the 
power of depriving the subject of his birth-i 
right, attributed to a resolution of one branch 
of the legislature ; the constitution impudent- 
ly invaded by the House of Commons; the 
right of defending it treacherously renounced 
by the House of Lords; these are the strokes, 
my Lord, which, in the present reign, recom- 
mend to office and constitute a Minister.' 
They would have determined your Sovereign's 
judgment, if they had made no impressioni 
upon his heart. We need not look for any 
other species of merit to account for his tak- 
ing the earliest opportunity to recall you to 
his councils. But you have other merit in 
abundance, Mr. Hine, the Duke of Portland, 
and Mr. Yorke: Breach of trust, robbery and 
murder. You v^^ould think it a compliment to 
your gallantry, if I added rape to the cata- 
logue ; but the stj'^le of your amours secures 
you from resistance. I know how well these 
several charges have been defended. In the 
first instance, the breach of trust is supposed 
to have been its own reward. Mr. Bradshaw 
affirms, upon his honour, (and so may the gift 
of smiling never depart from him !) that you 
reserved no part of Mr. Hine's purchase mo- 
ney for your own use ; but that every shilling 
of it was scrupulously paid to Governor Bur-; 
goyne. Make haste, my Lord ; anotlier pa- 
tent, applied in time, may keep the Oaks* in 

* A superb villa of Colonel Burgoyne, about this 
time advertised for sale. 



JUNIUS, 263 

tiiefamHy. Ifnot,Birnham-Wood, I fear, must 
come to the Macaroni 

The Duke of Portland was in life your ear- 
liest friend. In defence of his properly, he 
had nothing to plead but ecjuity against Sir 
James Lowther, and prescription against the 
Crown. You felt for your friend: but the law 
7nusl take Us course. Posterity will scarce be- 
lieve that Lord Bute's son-in-iaw had barely 
interest enough at the treasury, to get his 
grant completed before the general election * 

Enough has been said of that detestable 
transaction, which ended in the death of Mr. 
Yorke. I cannot speak of it without horror 
and compassion. To excuse yourself, you 
publicly impeach your accomplice; and to his 
mind, perhaps, the accusation maybe flattery. 
But in murder you are both principals. It was 
once a question of emulation ; and, if the 
event had not disappointed the immediate 
schemes of the closet, it might still have been 
a hopeful subject of jest and merriment be- 
tween you. 

This letter, my Lord, is only a preface to 
ray future correspondence. The remainder of 
the summer shall be dedicated to your amuse- 
ment. I mean now and then to relieve the se- 
verity of your morning studies, and to pre- 
pare you for the business of the day. With- 
out pretending to more than Mr. Bradshaw's 
sincerity, you may rely upon my attachment 
as long as you are in office. 

Will your Grace forgive me, when I venture 
Jo express some anxiety for a man whom I 

* It will appear, by a subsequent letter, thatllie 
Duke's precipitalion proved fatal to tlie grant. It 
looks liket'ift Iiurryand confusion of a young high- 
wayman, who takes a few shillings, but leaves the 
i«jvjrse and watch behind him. And yet the Duke 
was an old offeuder. 



264 JUNIUS. 

know you do not love? My Lord Weymouth 
has cowardice to plead, and a desertion of a 
later date than your own. You know the privy 
seal was intended for him; and, if you con- 
sider the dignity of the post he deserted, you 
will hardly think it decent to quarter him oa 
Mr. Ri^by. J^«t he must have bread, my Lord j 
or, rather, he must have \tine. If you deny 
hitn the cup, there will be no keeping hira 
witliin the pale of the MinistiV. 

JUMUS. 



LETTER L. 

To his Grace the Duke of Grafton. 

My Lord, July 9, 1771. 

The influence of your Grace's fortune still 
seems to preside over the treasury. The genius 
of Mr. Bradshaw inspires Mr. Robinson.* How 
remarkable it is (and I speak of it not as a 
matter of reproach, but as something peculiar 
to your character) that you have never yet 
formed a friendship, which has not been fatal 
to the object of it ; nor adopted a cause, to 
which one way or other, you have not done 
mischief! Your attachment is infamy while it 
lasts; and, whichever way it turns, leaves ruin 
and disgrace behind it. The deluded girl 
who yields to such a profligate, even while he 
is constant, forfeits her reputation as well as 
her innocence, and (indsherself abandoned at 
last to misery and shame. Thus it happened l 

* By an intercepted letter from the Secretary of I 
the Treasury, it appeared, that the friends of gov- 
ernment were to be very active in supporting the mi- 
nisterial nomination of Sheriffs, ''^ 



JUNIUS. 265 

with the best of Princes. Poor Dingley, too » 
I protest I hardly know which of them we 
ought most to lament ; the unhappy man who 
sinks under the sense of his dishonour, or him 
who survives it. Characters so finished, are 
placed beyond the reach of panegyric. Death, 
has fixed his seal upon Dingley ; and you, my 
Lord, have set your mark upon the other. 

The only letter I ever addressed to the King 
was so unkindly received, that I believe I shall 
never presume to trouble his Majesty in that 
way again. But my zeal for his service is su- 
perior to neglect ; and like Mr. Wilkes's pa- 
triotism, thrives by persecution. Yet his Ma- 
jesty is much addicted to useful reading; and, 
if I am not ill informed, has honoured the 
Public Mvertiser with particular attention. I 
have endeavoured, therefore, and not without 
success, (as, perhaps, you may remember,) to 
furnish it with such interesting and edifying 
intelligence, as probably would-not reach him 
through any other channel. The services you 
have done the nation, your integrity in of- 
fice, and signal fidelity to your approved good 
master, have been faithfully I'ecorded. Nor 
have his own virtues been entirely neglected. 
These letters, my Lord, are read in other coun- 
tries, and in other languages ', and I think I 
may affirm, without vanity, that the gracious 
character of the best of Princes is, by this 
time, not only perfectly known to his subjects, 
but tolerably well understood by the rest of 
Europe. In this respect alone I have the ad- 
vantage of Mr. Whitehead. His plan, I think, 
is too narrow. He seems to manufacture his 
verses for the sole use of the hero who is sup- 
posed to be the subject of them, and that hii^ 
meaning may not be exported in foreign bot- 
toms, sets all translation at defiance. 

Your Grace's re-appointmo«t to a seat in 
N 



2^ JUNIUS. 

the cabinet was announced to the pubUc by 
the ominous return of Lord Bute to this coun-f 
try. When that noxious planet approaches 
England, he never fails to bring plague and 
pestilence along with him. The King already 
feels the malignant ettect of your influence 
over his councils. Your former administra- 
tion made Mr. Wilkes an alderman of London^ 
and representative of Middlesex. Your next 
appearance in office is marked with his elec- 
tion to the shrievalty. In whatever measure 
you are concerned, you are not only disap- 
pointed of success, but always contrive to 
make the government of the best of Princes 
contemptible in his own eyes, and ridiculous 
to the whole world. Making all due allow- 
ance for the effect of the minister's declared 
interposition, Mr. Robinsoii's activity, and 
Mr. Home's new zeal in support of adminis- 
tration, we still want the genius of the Duke 
of Grafton to account for committing the 
whole interest of government in the city to 
the conduct of Mr. Harley. 1 will not bear 
liard upon your faithful friend and emissary, 
Mr. Touchet ; for I know the difficulties of his 
situation, and that a few lottery tickets are of 
use to his economy. There is a praverb con- 
cerning persons in the predicament of this 
gentleman, which, however, cannot be strict- 
ly applied to him, Tkni commence dupes, and 
finish knaves. Now, Mr. Touchet's character 
is uniform. I am convinced that his senti- 
ments never depended upon his circumstan- 
ces; and that, in the most prosperous state of 
his fortune, he was always the very man he 
is at present. But was there no other person 
of rank and consequence in the city^ whom 
governuK^nt couPd confide in, but a notorious 
Jacobite.? Did you imagine that the whole 
bodv of the dis3enteF&, that the whole ^Vhig in- 



JUMLS. 2G7 

terestof London, would attendatthe levee, ant^ 
submit to the directions of a notorious Jaco- 
'bite? Was there no Whig magistrate in the 
city, to whom the servants ot George the? 
Third could intrust the management of a I)u- 
siness so very interesting to their master as 
tlie election of sheritta ? Is there no room at 
St. James's but for Scotchmen and Jficobites ? 
My Lord, I do not mean to (juestion llie sin- 
cerity of Mr. Harley's attachment to his Ma- 
.}esty's government. Smcc the commence- 
ment of the present reign, I have seen still 
greater contradictions reconciled. The prin- 
ciples of these worthy .Jacobites are not so 
absurd as they have been represented. Their 
ideas of divine right are not so much annex- 
ed to the person or family, as to the political" 
character of the Sovereign. Had there ever 
been an honest man among the Striarts, hl& 
Majesty's present friends v/ould have been 
Whigs upon principle. But the conversion o£ 
the best of Princes has removed their scru- 
ples. They have forgiven him the sins oi 
his Hanoverian ancestors, and acknowledged 
the hand of Providence in the descent of tiitr 
Crown upon the head of a true Stuart. In 
you, my Lord, they also behold, with a kind 
of predilection v«hich borders upon luynlfy, 
the natural represf^ntative of that illustriou* 
family. The mode of your descent ironi 
Charles the Second is only a bar to your pre- 
tensions to the Crown, and no way interrupts 
the regidarity of your succession 'to all the- 
virtues of the Stuarts. 

The unfortunate succes?: of the Reverend 
Mr. Homo's endcivoArs in support of the 
ministerial nomination of sherill's, will, 1 fcar» 
obstruct his preferment. Permit me to le- 
fommend him to your Grace's protection. 
Jii'ji: wilUind hhii copiouslvf^lfted with Iho*:© 



26S JUNIUS. 

qualities of the heart which usually dir-" 
you in the choice of your friendships. He, 
too, V7as Mr. Wilkes's friend, and as incapa- 
pable as you are of the liberal resentment of 
a gentleman. No, my Lord ; it was the soli- 
tary, vindictive malice of a monk, brooding 
over the infirmities of his friend, until he 
thought they quickened into public life, and 
feasting with a rancourous rapture u{>on the 
sordid catalogue of his distresses. Novv let 
him go back to his cloister. The church is a 
proper retreat for Iiim. In his principles he 
is already a bis'noj). 

The mention of this man has moved me 
from my natural moderation. Let me return 
to your Grace. You are the pillow upon wiiich 
I am determined to rest all my resentments. 
What idea can the best of Sovereigns form to 
himself of his own government? in what re- 
j)ute can he conceive that he stands with the 
people, wlien ho sees, beyond the ])ossibility 
of a doubt, that v/hatever be the office, the 
suspicion of his favour is fatal to the candidate ; 
and that, Vv'hen the party he wishes well to has 
the fairest prospect of success, if his royal in- 
clination should unfortunately be discovered, 
it drops like an acid, and turns the election ? 

This event, among others, may, ])erhapgv 
contribute to open his Majesty's eyes to his 
real honour and interest. In spite of all your 
Grace's ingenuity, he may, at'last, perceive the 
Inconvenience of selecting, Avith such a cii- 
rioas felicify, every villain in the nation to fill 
the various departments of his govenmient. 
Yet 1 should be sorry to confine him in the 
choice cither of his fortlmen or iiis friends. 



JLML'S. -26: > 

LETTER L[. 

From the litv. Mr. Home to Jiauus. 
Sir, July 13, 1771. 

Fauce, Comeili/jRnd Tragedy — JVUkes,Fooley 
and Junius — united at the same time against 
one poor parson, are fearful odds. The two 
former are only labouring in their vocation, 
and may equally plead, in excuse, that their 
aim is a livelihood. I admit the plea for the 
second : his is an honest calling, and my clothes 
were lawful game; but I cannot so readily 
approve Mr, Wilkes, or commend him for 
making patriotism a trade, and a fraudulent 
trade. But what shall 1 say to Junius ? the 
grave, tlie solemn, the didactic ! Ridicule, in- 
deed, has been ridiculously called the test of 
trutli : but, surely, to confess that you lose 
your natural moderation when mention is 
made of the man, does not promise much 
truth or justice when you speak of him your- 
self. 

You charge me with " a new zeal in sup- 
" port of administration," and with " endea- 
" vours irj support of the ministerial nomina- 
<' lion of sheriffs." The reputation which 
your talents have deservedly gained to the 
signature of Junius, draws from me a reply 
whicli I disdained to give to the anonymous 
lies of Mr. Wilkes. You make frequent use 
of the word gentleman ; I only call myself a 
inan, and desire no other distinction. If you 
are either, you arc bound to make good yovu' 
charges, or to confess that you have done me 
SI hasty injustice upon no authority. 

I put the matter fairly to issue I say that, 

''so far from any ''new zeal in support of ad- 

' ministration," I am possessed with the ut' 



£76 JUNIUS, 

anost abhorrence of their measures ; and that 
I have ever shown myself, and am still ready,' 
in any rational manner, to lay dowa all I 
iiave — my life, in opposition to those mea- 
sures. I say that [ have not, and never have 
had any communication or connexion of any 
kind, directly or indirectly, with any courtier, 
or ministerial man, or any of their adherents 5 
that I never have received, or solicited, or ex- 
pected, or desired, or do now hope for, any | 
reward of any sort, from any parly or set of 1 
men in administration, or opposition. I say 
that I never used any " endeavours in sup- 
^' port of the ministerial nomination of she- 
*' riffs ;" that I did not solicit any one liv- 
eryman for his vote for any one of the can^ 
-didates; nor employ any other person to so- 
licit: and that I did not write one single line 
or word in favour of Messrs. Plumbe and Kirk- 
man, whom I understand to have been sup- 
ported by the Ministry. 

You are boiind to refute what I here ad- 
vance, o.r to -lose your credit for veracity. YoH 
must produce facts ; surmise and general 
abuse, in however elegant language, ought not 
to pass for proofs, iou have every advan- 
tage, and I have every disadvantage : you are 
jjnknown, I give my name. All parties, both 
in and out of administration, have their rea- 
sons (which I siiall relate hereafter) for uni- 
ting in their wishes against me : and the popu- 
lar prejudice is as strongly in your favour as 
It is violent against the Parson. 

Singular as my present situation is, it is nei- 
■ther painful, nor was it unforeseen. He is not 
fit for public business, who does not, even at 
ills entrance, prepare his mind for such an 
Invent. Health, fortune, tranquillity, and pri- 
va.te connexions, I have sacrificed upon the*, 
altar of the- public j and the only return I re- 



JUMUS. 271 

<ieivei!, because I will not cancur to dupe and 
mislead a senseless multitude, is barely, that 
they have not yet torn me in pieces. That 
tliis has been the only return is my pride, and 
a source of more real satisfaction than honours 
or prosperitj''. I can practise, before I am 
old, the lessons I learned in my youth ; nor 
shall I forget the words of my ancient mo- 
nitor : 

" 'Tis the last key-stone 
*' That makes the arch ; the rest that there wei-e putj 
" Are nettling till that comes to bind and shut ; 
" Then stands it a triumpiial mark ! Then men 
*' Observe tlie strength, the height, the why and 

" when 
" It was erected ; and still, walking under, 
'* Meet some new matter to look up and wonder." 

I am, Sir, your humble servant, 

JOHN HORNE- 



LETTER LH. 

To the Reverend Mr. Home. 

Sir, July 24, 1771. 

I CANNOT descend to an altercation with 
you in the newspapers : but since I have at- 
tacked your character, and you complain of 
injustice, I think you have some right to an 
explanation. You defy me to prove, that you 
ever solicited a vote, or wrote a word in sup- 
port of the ministerial aldermen. Sir, I did 
never suspect you of such gross folly. It 
would have been impossible for Mr. Home to 
have solicited votes, and very difficult to have 
written in the newspapers in defence of that 
xause, without being detected, and brought to 



shame. Neither do I pretend to*any intcili-- 
gence concerning you, or to know more of 
your conduct than you yourself have thouglit 
proper to communicate to the public. It is 
from your own letters, I conchide, that you 
have sold yourself to the Ministry : or, if that 
charge be too severe, and supposing it possi- 
ble to be deceived by appearances so very 
strongly against you, what are your friends to 
say in your defence ? Must they not confess, 
that, to gratify your personal hatred of Mr. 
Wilkes, you sacrificed, as far as depended on 
your interest and abilities, the cause of the 
country ? I can make allowances for the vio- 
lence of the passions } and if ever I should be 
convinced that you had no motive but to de- 
stroy Wilkes, I shall then be ready to do jus- 
tice to your character, and to declare to the 
world, that I despise you somewhat less than 
I do at present. But, as a public man, I must 
forever condemn you. You cannot but knoAV, 
(nay, you dare not pretend to be ignorant,) 
that the highest gratifications of which the 
most detestable ** in this nation is capable, 
would have been the defeat of Wilkes, I 
know that man much better than any of you. 
Nature intended him only for a good humour- 
ed fool. A systematical education, with long 
practice, has made him a consummate hypo- 
crite. Yet this man, to say nothing of his wor- 
thy Ministers, you have most assiduously la- 
boured to graufy. To exclude Wilkes, it was 
not necessai^ you should solicit votes for his 
opponents. We incline the balance as effec- 
tually by lessening the weight in one scale, as 
by increasing it in the other. 

The mode of your attack upon Wilkes, 
(though I am far from thinking meanly of your 
abilities,) convinces me that you cither want 
judgment extremely, or tiiat you are blinded 



JUNIUS. 2r6 

b)" yoiii" rr?f.iitinent. You ought to liiive lore- 
seen that the charges you urged against ^^ ilicps 
could never do hhn any mischief. Alter r.ll, 
>vheu we, expected discoveries liighly into- 
restins; to the comtuunity, what a pitiful dc> 
tail did it end in! — some old clothes — a Welsh 
poncy — a French footuum — and a hamper of 
claret. Indeed, Mr. Home, the public should 
and will forgive him his claret and his foot- 
man, and even the ambition of making his 
brother chamberlain of Loudon, as long as lie 
stands forth asrainst a Ministry and Parliament 
who are doing every thing they can to en- 
slave the countr}'', and as long as he is a thorn 
in the King's siHe. You will not suspect me 
of setting up Wilkes for a perfect character. 
The qncsllon to ti)C ymblic is, v^hcre sliall we 
find a man who, v.'ith purer principles, wiil 
go the lengths, and ru!i the hazards, that he 
has done? Tlic season calls fur siich a man, 
and he ouglit to be supported. "What would 
have been the triumph of that odious hyrio- 
crite and his minions, if Wilkes had been de- 
feated! It was not your fault, Reverend Sir, 
that he did not enjoy it completely. But now 
I prou";ise you, you have so little po\vcr to do 
mischief, that I much question ^vhelher the 
Ministry will nJiiere to tlie ]>iomfses they 
have made you. It will be in vain to say that 
1 am' a partisan of Sir. Wilkes, or persoiialiy 
your enemy. You will convince no man, for 
you do not believe it yourself, spet I confess 
I am a little oliended at tiie low rate at which 
you seem to value my understanoing. I beg, 
Mr. Home, you will hereafter believe that I 
jueasure the integrity of luen by their con-^ 
duct, not by their professions. Such tales may 
entertain Mr. Oliver, or your grandmother , 
but, trust me, they are llirowu away upon 
riiini!?s. 

N 3 . 



•374 J^UNiUS. 

You say you are a man. Wns it generous, 
was it manly, repeatedly to introduce into a 
newspaper, the name of a young lady with 
whom you must heretofore have lived on 
terms of politeness and good humour ? But I 
have done with you. In ray opinion your 
credit is irrecoverably ruined. Mr. Tovvn- 
shend, I think, is nearly in the same predica- 
ment. Poor Oliver has been shamefully duped 
hy you. You have made him sacrifice all the 
Jionour he got by his imprisonment. As for 
Mr. Savvbridge, whose character 1 really re- 
^spect, I am astonished he does not see through 
youv duplicity. JNever was so base a design 
so poorly conducted. This letter,* you see, 
is not intended for the public ; but, if you 
think it will do you any sei'vice, you are at 
liberty to publish it. JUNIUS.. 



LETTER LIII. 

From the Rev. Mr. Home to Junim. 

Sir, July 31, 1771. 

Yon have disappointed rac. When I told 
Tou that surmise and general abuse, in ho\v- 
ever elegant language, onght not to pass for 
proofs, I'^evidently hinted at the reply which 
J expected: but you have dropped your usual 
elegance, aficl seem willing to try what will 
be the elfect of surmise and general abuse in 
very coarse language. Your answer to my 
last letter, (which, I hope, was cool, and tem- 

-^ This letter was transmitted privately by the 
printer to Mr. Home, at Juoiiis's request. Mr. 
MoTVie returned it to the priuter, with directions to 
,(;)ablish it. 



J4JNlUi?, 275 

perate, and modest,) has convinced me that 
my idea of a man is much superior to yours 
©fa gentleman. Of your former letters, 1 have 
always said, MHteriem superabat opus: I do 
not think so of the present : the principles are 
more detestable than the expressions are mean 
and illiberal. I am contented that all those 
who adopt the one, should forever load me 
with the other. 

I appeal to tiie^ommon sense of the public, 
to which I have ever directed myself: F be- 
lieve they have it: though lam sometimes 
half inclined to suspect that Mr. Wilkes has 
formed a truer judgment of mankind than I 
have. However, of this I am sure, that there 
is nothing else upon which to place a steady 
reliance. Trick, and low cunning, and ad- 
dressing their pr-ejudices and passions, maybe 
the fittest means to carry a particular j)oint ; 
if they have not common sense, there is no 
prospect of gaining for them any real perma- 
nent good. The same passions which have 
l)een arlfufly used by an honest man for their 
advantage, maybe more artfully employed by 
a dishonest man for their destruction. I de- 
sire them to apply their common sense to this 
letter of Junius, not for my sake, but their 
own ; it concerns them most nearly ; for the 
principles it contains lead to disgrace and 
ruin, and are inconsistent with every notion 
of civil society. 

The charges which Junius has brought 
against me, are made ridiculous by his own in- 
consistency and self-contradiction. He charges 
me positively with "a new zeal in support of 
"administration," and with "endeavours in 
" support of the ministerial nomination of 
" sheriffs." And he assigns two inconsistent 
motives for my conduct: either that I have 
« sold myself to the Ministry/' or am iusti- 



2ViJ JUNIUS. 

gated " by the solitary vindictive malice ot n 
"monk:" either that I am influenced by, a 
sordid desire oi" gain, or am hurried on by 
*' personal !uitred,and blinded by resentment" 
In his letter to the Duke of Grafton, he sup- 
poses me actuated by both : in bis letter to 
me, he at first doubts which of the two, whe- 
ther interest or reveui^e, is my motive. How- 
ever, at last he determines for the former, and 
again positively asserts, " Ihat the Ministiy 
*' have made me promises:" yet lie produces 
no instance of corruption, nor pretends to 
have any intelligence of a ministerial connex- 
ion. He mentions no cause of personal ha- 
tred to Mr. Wilkes, nor any reason for my re- 
pentment or revenge ; nor has Mr. Wilkes 
himself ever hinted any, though repeatedly 
pressed. When Junius* is called upon to jus- 
tify his accusation, he answers, " He cannot 
*' descend to an altercation with me in the 
*• newspapers." Junius, who exists only ia 
the newspapers, who acknowledges he has 
•' attacked my character" there, and thinks 
" I have some right to an explanation ;" yet 
this Junius <•' cannot descend to an altercation 
*< in the newspapers !" And because he can- 
not descend to an ahercation with me in the 
newspapers, he sends a letter of abuse, by the 
printer, which he fmlshes Avilh telling me, <• I 
J,,*' am at liberty to publish it.'' This, to be sure, 
\ is a most excellent method to avoid an alter- 
1 cation in the newspapers! 
[^- The proofs of his positive charges are as ex- 
I traordinary. " He does not pretend to any 
*' intelligence concerning me, or to know 
j *' more of my conduct than I myself have 
■ «' thought proper to communicate to the pub- 
; *« lie." He does not suspect me of such gross 
' folly as to have solicited votes, or to have 
ivritteii anonymously ia the newspapers ; be- 



JLNIL'S. -277 

r,aii«e it is impossible to do either without be- 
*ing detected and brought to shame. Jiiriius 
^ays this ! who yet imagines tliat he has hini- 
seif.written two years under that signature 
(and more under others,) without being de- 
tected ! his warmest admirers w ill not hereaf* ' 
ter a(i(\,witliout being brought to shame. But; 
though he never did suspect me of such gross 
folly as to run the hazard of being detected, 
and brought to shame, by anonymous writing, 
he insists that I have been guilty of a much 
grosser folly, of incurring the certainty of 
tihame and detection, by writings signed with 
my name ! But this is a small flight for the toAv- 
cring Junius : " He is far from thinking meanly 
*' of my abilities,'' though " he is convinced 
*' that I want judgment extremely ;" and can 
'« really respect Mr. Sawbridge's character," 
though he declares him'* to be so poor a crea- 
ture, as not to " see through the basest design, 

* I beg leave to introduce Mr. Hornc to the 
clianicter of the Douhle Dealer. I thought they 
had been better acquainted. *' Another very 
" wrong objection has been made by some, who 
" liave not taken leibure to distinguish the cliarau- 
" tei's. The horoof the play (meaning Mctefont) 
" is a gull, And made a fool, and cheated. I? «:vciy 
" man a gull and a tool that is deceived ? At that 
'* rate, I am afraid, t!ie two classes of men will bo 
" reduced to one, and the knaves themselves hf r.t 
*' a loss to j;i?tify their title. But if an open, lion- 
** est hearted man, who lias an entire conlidence in 
*• one, whom lie takes to t)e his friend, and whu, 
" (to confirm him in liis Oi;iniou) in all appearance, 
" and upon several trials, has been so, it this man 
" be deceived by the treachery of the other, must 
*' he of necessity commence fool immediately, only 
*' because the other has proved a villain .^" Yes, 
fays Parson Home. No, says Congreve : and he, 
^ 1 think, is allowed to have known somelhing of Im- 
man cature. 



278 JUMUS. 

■v 
" conducted in the poorest manner !" And 
this most base design is conducted in the poor- ^ 
est manner by a man whom be does not sus- 
pect of gross folly, and of whose abilities he 
is far from thinking meanly ! 

Should we ask Junius to reconcile tli€se 
contradictions, and explain this nonsense, the 
answer is ready: " He cannot descend to an 
" altercation in the newspapers." He feels 
no reluctance to attack the character of any 
man : the throne is not too high, nor the cot- 
tage too low : his mighty malice can grasp 
both extremes. He hints not his accusations 
as opinion, conjecture, or inference, but de- 
livers them as positive assertions. Do the ac- 
cused complain of injustice ? He acknow- 
ledges they have some sort of right to an ex- 
planation ; but if they ask for proofs and facts, 
he begs to be excused; and though he is no 
where else to be encountered, " he cannot 
" descend to an altercation in the newspa* 
" pers." 

And this, perhaps, Junius may think " the 
" liberal resentment of a gentleman ;" this 
skulking assassination he may call courage, 
in all things, as in this, I hope we differ. 

" I tiionght tliat fortitiKJe had been a mean 
" 'Twixt fear aad rashness ; not a lust obscene, 
" Or appetite of offending ; but a skill 
" And nice discernment between good and ill. 
" Her ends are honesty and public good : 
*' And withoyt these she is not understood." 

Of two things, however, he has condescend- 
■ed to give proof. He very properly produces 
a young lady to prove that i am not a man ; 
and a good old woman, my grandmother, to 
prove Mr. Oliver a fool. Poor old soul ! she 
read her Bible far otherwise than Junius ! She 
often found there that the sins of the fathers 
bad been visited on the children : and there- 



it) re was cautious that herself, and herirame- 
^ diate descendants, should leave no reproach 
on her posterity: and they left none. How 
little could she see this reverse of Junius, who 
visits my political sins upon my grandmother^. 
I do not charge this to the score of malice in 
him ; it proceeded entirely from his propensi- 
ty to blunder; that whilst he was reproaching 
me for introducing, in the most harmless man- 
ner, the name of one female, he might him- 
self, at the same instant, introduce two. 

I am represented, alternately, as it suits Ju- 
nius's purpose, under the opposite characters 
of a f^loomy monk, and a man oi politeness and 
^ood humour. I am called " a solitary monk," 
in order to coniirm the notion given of me in 
Mr. Wilkes's anonymous paragraphs, that 1 
never laugh. And the terras of politeness and 
good humour, on which J am said to have 
jived heretofore with the young lady, are in- 
tended to confirm other paragraphs of Mr. 
AVilkes, in which he is supposed to have otfend- 
*'d me by refusing his daughter. Ridiculous ! 
Yet I cannot deny but that Junius has proved 
me unmanly and ungenerous, as clearly as he 
Jias shown me corrupt and vindictive: and I 
will tell bim more; I have paid the present 
Ministry as many visits and compliments as 
ever I paid to the young Jady; and shall all 
my life treat them with the same politeness 
and good Imniuur. 

But Junius " begs rae to believe, that he 
*'• measures the integrity q{ men by their con- 
*' duct, not by their professions." Sure this 
Junius must imagine his readers as void of un- 
derstanding as he is of modesty ! Where shall 
we find the standard of his integrity ? By what 
are we to measure the conduct of this lurking 
assassin ? And he says this to me, whose con- 
duet, wherever I could personally appear, has 



2B0 JUNIUS. 

been as direct, anil open, and public, as my 
words. I iiave not, like him, conconled my-'^ 
sell in my cjianiber, to shoot my arrows out of 
the window; nor contented myself to view 
the battle from afar; but publicl}^ mixed in 
the engagement, and shared the danger. To 
whom have [, like iiim, refused my name, up- 
on complaint of injury? What printer have I 
desired to conceal me ? In the infinite variety 
of business in which I have been concerned, 
where it is not so easy to be faultless, which 
♦>f my actions can he arraign .-' To what dan- 
ijjer has any man been exposed, which I have 
not faced .'' Infoi'malion, action, impmojimcnt, 
or death:- What labour have I refused.^ What 
expense have I declined ? W^hat pleasure have 
1 not renounced ? But Junius, to whom no 
coiuluct belongs, " measures the integrity of 
'* men by their conduct, not by their profes- 
sions:" himself, all llie while, being nothing 
but professions, and those, too, anonymous. 
Tlio political ignorance, or wiUul falsehood, 
of this declaimer is exi renie. His ovv'n former 
letters justify both my conduct ami those 
^vhom his last letter abuses: for the public 
measures which Junius has been all along de- 
fending, were ours whom he attacks; and the 
uniform opposer of those measures has been 
Mr. Wilkes, whose bad actions and intentions 
he endeavours to screen. 

Let Junius now, if he pleases, change his 
abuse, and quitting his loose hold of interest 
and revenge, accuse me of vanity, and call 
tins defence boasting. I own I have pride to 
see statues decreed, and the highest honours 
conferred, for measures and actions which all 
men have approved; whilst those who coun- 
«elled and caused them are execrated and in- 
sulted. Tlie darkness in which Junius thinks , 
liiraself shrouded; has not concealed him ; nor 






the artilicc ol only aUarlcin<:; muler thai si<rno 
tare those he Avould pull <lo\vri, whilst he rc' 
commends by olker ways tliosc he would iiave 
promoted, disguised iVoin me whose partiKati 
he is. Wlien Lord Chatham can forgive the 
awkward situation in which, for the sake of 
the public, he was designedly plac^^d by the 
thanks to him fnjm the city ; and when 
Wilkes's name ceases to be necessary to Lord 
Rockingham, to keep up u chuuour against the 
persons of tlie ministry, without obhging the 
tlilforent factions, now in opposition, to bind 
themselves beforehand to some certain points, 
and to stipulate some precise advantages to 
the public ; then, and not till then, may those 
whom he now abuses, ex|)ect the approbation 
of Junius. 'J'lie approbation of the public for 
our faithful atlention to their interest, by en- 
deavours for those stipulations, which have 
made us as olinoxious to the factions in oppo- 
sition as to tjjose in administration, is not, per- 
haps, to bu expected till some years hence; 
M'hen (he public will look back, and ser liow 
shamefully they have been deluded, aufl by 
what arts they were made to lose (he golden 
opportunity of preventing what (hoy will sure 
ly experience — a change of IVliuititers, without 
a material cliange of measnns, and witiiout 
any security for a tottering'- con.'titulion. I^ut 
what cares Junius for (he security of (he con- 
stitution ? lie has now unfohhuHo us his dia- 
bolical principk'S. Asa |)ublic man, he must 
ever condemn any measure which may lend 
accidentally to ;};ratify the sovereign ; and Mr. 
Wilkes is to be supported and assisted in all 
his attem|)(s (no matter how ridiculous and 
mischievous his projec(s) as lonjr os he contin- 
ues to be a thorn in the 7v7r»g'.<f siric. 'Ihe cause 
kof the conntry, it seems, in the opinion of Ju 
Tiiiis, is merely to vex the King ; and uiiy r«' 



ess JUNIUS. 

cal is to be sapported in any roguery, provided 
he can only thereby plant a //torn in the King'i 
side. This is the very extremity of faction,i 
and the last degree of political wickedness.; 
Because Lord Chatham has been ill treated by 
the King, and treacherously betrayed by thei 
Duke of Grafton, the latter is to be " the pil- 
" low on which Junius wiW rest his resent- 
*' raent I" and the public are to oppose the 
measures of government from mere motives 
«f personal enmity to the Sovereign! These 
are the avowed principles of the man who, in 
^.the same letter, says, " If ever he should be 
" convinced that I had no motive but to -de- 
*' stroy Wilkes, he shall then be ready to do 
*' justice to my character, and to declare to 
*' the world, that he despises me somewhat 
" less than he does at present !" 

Had I ever acted from personal affection or 
enmity to Mr, Wilkes, I should justly be de- 
spised : but what does he deserve whose avow- 
ed motive is personal enmity to the Sove- 
reign ! The contempt which I should otherwise 
feel for the absurdity and glaringinconsistency 
of Junius, is here swallowed up in my abhor- 
rence of his principles. The right divine and 
sacredness of kings is to me a senseless jargon. 
It was thought a daring expression of (Miver 
Cromwell, in the time of Charles the First, 
that if he found himself placed opposite to the 
King in battle, he would dischai'ge his piece 
into his bosom as soon as into any other man's. 
I go farther : had f lived in those days, I 
would not have waited for chance to give me 
an opportunity of doing my duty; I would 
ihave sought him through the ranks, and, Avith- 
out the least personal enmity, have dischar- 
ged my piece into his bosom rather than into 
5iny other man's. The King, whose actions^, 
justify rebellion to his government, deserves 



JLNITJS. 283 

<}ea!tli from the hand of every subject. And 
'should siich a time arrive, I shall be as free to 
.act as to say ; but, till then, my attachment to 
the person and family of the Sovereign shall 
ever be found more zealous ai?d sincere than 
that of his flatterers. I would olFend the Sove- 
reign with as much reluctance as the parent : 
but if the happiness and security of the whole 
family made it necessary, so far, and no far- 
ther, I would offend him without remorse. 

But let us consider a little whither these 
principles of Junius would lead us. Should 
Mr. Wilkes once more commission Mr. Tho- 
mas Walpole to procure for him a pension of 
one thousand pounds, upon the Irish estal>- 
iishment, for thirty years, he must be support- 
ed in the demand by the public, because it 
would mortify the king ! 

Should he wish to see Lord Rockingham 
and his friends once more in administration, 
unclogged by any stipulations for the people, 
that he might again enjoy a pension of one 
thousand and forty pounds a year, viz. from 
the first Lord of the Treasury, £500 from the 
Lords of the Treasury £60 each : from the 
Lords of Trade, £40 each: &-c. the public 
must give up their attention to points of na- 
tional benefit, and assist Mr. Wilkes in his at- 
tempt, because it would mortify the King! 

Should he demand the goverumerrtof Cana- 
da, or of Jamaica, or the embassy to Con- 
stantinople, and in case of refusal threaten to 
write them down, as he had before served 
another administration, in a year and a half, 
he must be supported in his pretensions, and 
upheld in his insolence, because it would mor- 
tify the King ? 

Junius may choose to suppose that these 

' things cannot happen! But, that they have 

happened, notwithstanding Mr. Wilkes's de- 



2B4 JUISIUS. 

nial, I do aver, I maintain that JMr. Wilk«.'s 
did commission Mr. Thomas Walpole to soli-^ 
cit for him a pension of one thousand pounds, 
on th« Irish establishment, for thirty years; 
with whichj and a pardon, he declared he 
would be satisfied: and that, notwithstanding 
his letter to Mr. Onslow, he did accept a clan- 
destine, precarious, and eleemosynary pen- 
sion from the Rockingham administration, 
which they paid in proportion to, and out of 
their salaries, and so entirely was it ministe- 
rial, that, as any of them went out of the min- 
istry, their names were scratched out of the 
list, and tiiey contributed no longer. I say, 
he did solicit the governments, and the em- 
bassy, and threatened their refusal nearly in 
these words : " It cost me a year and a half 
" to write down the last administration; should 
" I employ as much time upon you, very few 
^' of you would be in at the death." When 
these threats did not prevail, he came over to 
England to embarrass them by his presence : 
and when he found that Lord Rockingham 
was something firmer, and more manly, than 
-he expected, and refused to be bullied into 
what he could not perform, Mr. Wilkes de- 
clared that he could not leave England with- 
out money; and the Duke of Portland and 
Lord Rockingham purchased his absence with 
one hundred pounds a piece, with which he 
returned to Paris : and for the truth of what 
I here advance, I appeal to the Duke of Port- 
land, to Lord Rockingham, to John Lord Ca- 
vendish, to Mr. Walpole, &e. 1 appeal to the . 
hand writing of Mr. Wilkes, which is still ex- 
tant. 

Should Mr. Wilkes afterwards (failing in this 
wholesale trade,) choose to dole out his popu- 
larity by the pound, and expose the city otfices ' 
to sale to his brother- his atfornev, &c, Junius 



will Irll us, it is only an anibitiun that he lias 
fo make lliera chamberlain, town clerk, he. 

■fAnd he must not be opposed in thus robbing 
the ancient citi^-rens of their birthright, because 
any defeat of Mr. Wilkes v»'ould gratify the 
King ! 

Should he, afterconsumingthe whole of hii 
own fortune, and that of his wife, and incur- 
ring a debt of twenty thousand pounds, merely 
by his own private extravagance, without u 
single service or exertion all this time for the 
public, whilst his estate remained ; should he, 
at length, being undone, commence patriof ; 
have the good fortune to be illegally persecu- 
ted, and, in consideration of that illegality, b;:! 
rspouscd by a few gentlemen of the pure.-t 
jHiblic principles: shoukl his debts, tiiouch 
none of thcni were contracted for the public, 
and all his other incumbrances, be discharged •,. 
should he be offered £»)00 or £1000 a year, 
to make him independent for the future ; and 
should he, after all, instead of gratitude for 
these services, instantly forbid his benefactors 
to bestow their own money upon any other 
object but himself, and revile them for setting 
any bounds to their supplies ; Junius, (who, 
any more than Lord Chatham, never contri- 
buted one farthing to these enormous expen- 
ses;) will tell them, that if they think of con- 
verting the supplies of Mr. Wilkes's private' 
extravagance to the support of public mea- 
sures, they are as great fools as my grandmo- 
ther ; and that Mv. Wilkes ought to hold the 
strings of their purses, as long as he conti-nues 
to be a thorn in the King's side. 

Upon these principles I never have acted, 
and I never will act. In my opinion, it is less 
dishonourable to be the creature of a court, 
than the tool of a faction. I will not be either. 

»1 understaTid the two great leaders of opposl 



285 JUNIUS. 

tion to be Lord Kockinghara and Lord Chat- 
ham ; under one of whose banners all the op- 
posing members of both Houses, who desire'" 
to get places, enlist. I can place no confidence 
ia either of them, or in any others, unless they 
will now engage, whilst they are out, to grant 
certain essential advantages for the security 
of the public when they shall be in adminis- 
tration. These points they refuse to stipulate, 
because they are fearful lest they should pre- 
vent any future overtures from the court. To- 
force them to these stipulations has been the 
uniform endeavour of Mr. Sawbridge, Mr. 
Townshend, Mr. Oliver, he. and therefore they 
are abused by Junius. I know no reason, but 
my zeal and industry in the same cause, that 
should entitle me to the honour of being rank- 
ed by his abase with persons of their fortune 
and station. It i& a duty I owe to the memory 
of the late Mr. Beckford, to say, that he had 
no other aim than this, when he provided that 
sumptuous entertainment at the Mansion 
House, for the members of both Houses in op- 
position. At that time, he drew up the heads 
of an engagement, which he gave (o me, with 
a request that I would couch it in te^ms so 
cautious and precise, as to leave no room for 
future quibble and evasion ; but to oblige them 
either to fulfil the intent of the obligation, or 
to sign their own infamy, and leave it on re- 
cord ; and this engagement he was determined 
to propose to them at the Mansion House, 
that either by their refusal they might forfeit 
the confidence of the public, or, by the en- 
gagement, lay a foundation for confidence. 

When they were informed of the intention, 
Lord Rockingham and his friends flatly refu- 
sed any engagement ; and Mr. Beckford, as 
flatly, swore they should then "^ eat none of 
" his broth;" and he was detei'mined to put • 



JUNIUS. £87 

off the entertainment; but Mr. Beckford was 

prevailed upon by to indulge them ia 

Sie ridiculous parade of a popular processioa 
through the city, and to give them the foolish 
pleasure of an imaginary consequence, for the 
real benefit only of the cooks and purveyors. 

It was the same motive which dictated the 
thanks of the City to Lord; Chatham ; which 
were expressed to be given for bis declaration 
in favour of short Parliemients, in order there- 
by to fix Lord Chatham, at least, to> that one 
constitutional remedy, without whichaM others 
can attbrd no security. The embarrassment, 
no doubt, was cruel. He had his choice, 
either to offend the Rockingham party, who 
declared formally against short Parliaments, 
and with the assistance of whose numbers in 
both Houses he must expect again to be Minis- 
ter, or to give up the confidence of the public, 
from whom, finally, aU real consequence must 
proceed. Lord Chatham chose the latter; and 
I will venture to say, that, by his answer to 
those thanks, he has given up the people, 
without gaining the friendship or cordial as- 
sistance of the Rockingham faction^ whose 
little politics are confined to the making of 
matches, and extending their family connex- 
ions ; and who think they gain more by pro- 
curing one additional vote to their party in 
tiie House of Commons, than by adding their 
languid property, and feeble character, to the 
abilities of a Chatham, or the confidence of a 
public. 

AVhatever may be the event of the present 
wretched state of politics in this country, the 
principles of Junius will suit no form of govern- 
ment. They are not to be tolerated under any 
€onsti(utiou. Personal enmity is a motive fit 
only for the devil. Whoever, or whatever, is 
Spvereigfij demands the respect and support 



28S JUNIUS. 

of the people. The union is formed for their 
happiness, which cannot be had without mu-^^j 
tual respect ; and he counsels maliciously whoiJ 
would persuade either to a wanton breach of 
it. When it is banished by either party, and 
when every method has been tried in vain to 
Festore it, there is no remedy but a divorce : 
but even then, he must have a hard and wick-- 
ed heart indeed, who punishes the greatest 
criminal merely for the sake of the punish- 
ment ; and who does not let fall a tear for 
every drop of blood that is shed in a public 
struggle, however just the quarrel. 

JOHN HORNE. 



LETTER LIV. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

Sir, August 15, 1771. 

I OUGHT to make an apology to the Duke of 
Grafton, for suffering any part of my attention 
to be diverted from his Grace to Mr. Home. I 
am not justified by the similarity of their dis- 
positions. Private vices, however detestable^ 
have not dignity sufficient to attract the cen- 

• sure of the press, unless they are united with 
the power of doing some signal mischief to the 

^ community. Mr. Home's situation does not 
correspond with his intentions. In my opin- 
ion, (which I know will be attributed to my 
usual vanity and presumption,) his letter to 
me does not deserve an answer. But I under- 
stand that the public are not satisfied with my 
silence ; that an answer is expected from me ; 
and that if I persist in refusing to plead, it will 
he taken for conviction, f shonkl be >"coi^ 



jryNIUS. og^ 

sistent with the principles I profess, if I de- 
clined an appeal to the good sense of the peo- 
ple, or did not sviliiugly submit myself to the 
judgment of my peers. 

If any coarse expressions have escaped me, 
I am ready to agree that they are unfit for Ju- 
nius to make use of; but 1 see no reason to 
admit that they have been improperly applied. 
Mr. Home, it seems, is unable to compre- 
hend liovv an extreme want of conduct and 
discretion can consist with the abilities I have- 
allowed him ; nor can he conceive that a very- 
honest man, with a very good understanding, 
may be deceived by a knave. His knowledge 
of human nature must be limited indeed. Had 
he never mi.xed witn the world, one would 
think that even his books might have taught 
him better. Did he hear Lord Mansfield, 
when he defended his doctrine concerning li- 
bels .'' Or when he stated the law in prosecu- 
tions for criminal conversation .'' Or when he 

,• delivered his reasons for calling the House of 
Lords together to receive a copy of his charge 
to the jury in Woodfall's trial .'' Had he bceri. 
present upon any of these occasions, he would 
have seen how possible it is for a man of the 
first talents to confoundhimself in absurdities, 
which would disgrace the lips of an idiot. 
Perhaps the example might have taught him 
not to value his own understanding so highly. 
Lord Lyttleton's integrity and judgment are 
unquestionable; yet he is known to admire 
that cunning Scotchman, and verily believes 
him an honest man. 1 speak to facts, with 
which all of us are conversant. I speak to 
men and to their experience; and will not 
descend to answer the little sneering sophis- 
tries of a collegian. Distinguished talents are 
not necessarily connected with discretion. If 

^here be any thing remarkable in the charac- 




29l> JUNIUS. 

ter of Mr. Home, it is, that extreme Want of 
judgment should be united with his moderate 
capacity. Yet I have not forgotten the ac- * 
knowledgment I made him ; he owes it to 
,my bounty ; and though his letter has lowered 
iiim in my opinion, I scorn to retract the 
charitable donation. 

I said it would be very difficult for Mr.. Home 
to write directly in defence of a ministerial 
measure, and not be detected, and even that 
difficulty I confined to his particular situation. 
He changes the terms of the proposition, and 
supposes me to assert, that it would be impos- 
sible for any man to write for the newspapers, 
and not be discovered. 

He repeatedly atBrms, or intimates, at least, 
that he knows the author of these letters. 
With what colour of truth, then, can he [>re- 
tend, That Jam no whereto be encountered but 
in a newspaper ? I shall leave him to his sus- 
picions. It is not necessary that I should con- 
lide in the honour or discretion of a man, who f 
already seems to hate me with as much ran- 
cour as if I had formerly been his friend. But 
he as.serts, that he has traced me through a 
variety of signatures. To make the discovery 
of any importance to his purpose, he should 
have proved, either that the fictitious charac- 
ter of Junius has not been consistently sup- 
ported, or that the author h.is maintained dif- 
ferent principles under different signatures. 
I cannot recall to my memory the numberless 
trilles i have Avritten; but I rely upon the 
consciousness of my own integyity, and defy 
him to fix any colourable charge of incon- 
sistency upon me. 

i am not bomid to assign the secret motives 
ol his a})parerit hatred of Mr. Wilkes : nor 
does it follow that I. may not judge fairly of 
liis conduct, though it were true that I had no*^ 



JUINIUS. £91 

conduct of my own. Mr. Home enlarges with 
rapture upon the importance of his services j 
the dreadful battles which he might have beea 
engaged in, and the dangers he has escaped. 
In support of the formidable description he 
quotes verses without mercy. The gentle- 
man deals in fiction, and naturally appeals to 
the evidence of the poets. Taking him at his 
word, he cannot but admit the superiority of 
Mr. Wilkes in this line of service. On one 
side, we see nothing but imaginary distresses; 
on the other, we see real prosecutions ; real 
penalties; real imprisonment; life repeatedly 
hazarded ; and, at one moment, almost the 
certainty of death. Thanks are undoubtedly 
due to every man who does his duty in the 
engagement, but it is the wounded soldier 
who deserves the reward. 

I did not mean to deny, that Mr. Home had 
been an active partisan. It would defeat my 
own purpose not to allow liim a degree of 
merit which aggravates his guilt. The very 
charge of contributing his utmost efforts to sup- 
vort a miiiisterial measure, implies an acknow- 
ledgment of his former services If he had 
not once been distinguished by his apparent 
zeal in defence of the common cause, he 
could not now be distinguished l)y deserting 
it. As for myself, it is no longer a question, 
Whether I shall mix %vith the throng, and take 
d single share in the danger. Whenever .Juni- 
us appears he must encounter a host of ene- 
mies. But is there no honourable way to 
serve the public, without engaging in person- 
al quarrels with insignificant individuals, or 
submitting to the drudgery of canvassing votes 
for an election.'' Is there no merit in dedicat- 
ing my life to the information of my fellow- 
subjects .'' What public question have I declin- 
ed ? What villain have I spared ? 1$ there no 



JFMl S. 



laluMii- in llie compo.^irion i)t" these lotlei'S? 
l\h'. iiorijp I t'viW'f h pnrtinl to lue, mul mea- 
sures the I'iU'ility of my writings by the Ihieti- 
cy of his own. 

lie talks to iis in hi^h terms of the j;;anant 
feats he woiiM have perlormeil if ho haii liv- 
ed in the last century. 'JMie unhappy C hnrlcs 
couUi hardly have escaped him. lint llvinc; 
Princ(>s have a claim to his attachment ;ind 
respect. 1^0" these terms, there is no ilani,cr 
in heiiiij; a patri(»t. If he means any thing 
more than a pompons rhapsotly, let ns try 
how well his arj:;ument holds tos^ether. I pn»- 
sume he is not yet so much a courtier as to 
allirm, that the constitution lias not been 
j!;rossly and darin^:;ly violated under the pre- 
sent rci^n. Me \\ ill not say, that the la\vs 
liavo not been shamefully broken and per- 
verted ; that the rij;htsofth(^ subject have not. 
been invatled ; or. that redress has not been 
re[)eatedly solicited and refused. (Grievances 
like th(\se, were the t'oundation of the rebel- 
lion in the last century; and, if 1 midersland 
Mr. Ilorne, they woidd, at that period, have 
juslilied him, in his own njind, in deliberate- 
Jy attiickiiii;- the life of his Sovi'reif!,n. I siiall 
not ask him, to what political constitution 
this doctrine can lie reconciled: but., at least, 
it is incnmbenl upon liim to s!n)W, that tiic 
pr(>se»it Kin;; has lietter excuses than Charles 
tiie First, for the errors of his •;'overMmenl. 
Mc ought to demonstrate to us, that the con- 
stitution was better understood an hundretl 
years a;>;o, than it is al present; that lln^ li\i;al 
rights of the subject, and tin* limits of tlie 
prerogative, were more accurately delitieil, 
i»nd n)ore tdearly comprcheiuied. If propo- 
sitions likn these, cannot be fairly nnuntaia- 
vi\^ I do not see how he can reconcile it to 
im c(Ui:;r,ieiic'e, u-'t to act iiiimediHtcly with 



.FINK -;. iif^,'. 

lli«; Siirnn l'ri'.(u](>m wllli which Ik; Hpc;iI<H. 1 
iTvnr(!iic<! IIm; clinnicfcr of ('luirlcn llii-. First i 
UN liilU; IIS Mr. Ilornc ; Iml I will riol iiisitllhiH j 
tni^^(lr(llrM!H, hy a ioinpiirisori tliat would (ic- j 
gnido liiiri. 

It is wiMlii oli'^nrvlrip;, by what ^ctillo «!<'- 
groes tiin I'lirloiis, pcrHociilini'; zeal of Mr. 
IJorni! IniH softiMXMl into iiiodcnition. Mori 'i 
juwl tncrisurns wen; y(;stcn!ay Win oltjrcl. — 
Wliat piiiiis (ral lio oin;«! liiKc; to hiiii^ (hat 
gi'ftiit h!!iI(! criiniriJil M'(li(!r/c to fxiMMition ? 
'I'o-iliiy In; conliiicH liirii.'i«;lf' lo moasiirfHOiily J f 
no |M'iifil <;xiirn|(lc \h to ho left to tlic hiicooh- . 
sitrn <jt' tJK' Diiico ol' (imfioti. To-rriorrow, I ; 
prnsiiirn", hoth iimtj iuid riiciiHuros will he f'or- 
.-^'ivi;!!. Tin; llamiii},' p.ilriof, who ho latoly 
scorchod iis in tlio imridinii, sinks (cnipc- 
r*itily (o (!m; wosf, and is hardly Ifdt as ho dc- 
soonds. 

I <r()nipn;hciid tlio policy of ondoavf)iirinf; to 
coinmnnioati; lo Mr. Oliver and Mr. Hawhrif)j;o> 
a. share in Ihe rrpronrhos with wliirh he sup- 
poses n»c lo havo loadod him. My uiotnory 
fails mo, if I havo tnoiiliofM;d thoir narnos vvilli 
disrosnect ; nnloss it ho roprua(;lifn! fo ac- ' 
knf»wfod^o a sinccro n-spoot for (ho (diaraotor 
of Mr. JSawhrid;^f, ami not fohavo (|uo;»liori<;d 
tiio iiirio(w;M(;o o( Mr Oliver's iiiloiilioris. 

I( seems I am a [)arlisan of the j^vc.ni loader^ 
<;f Ihe oppn^tition. If the «;har/^o ha<J hoon a 
ri'proaoh, it should have, heeri hol((;r Htijfport- 
cd. I did not inlerid to mal<o a piddir decla- 
ration oi'llu; respect I fiear Lord Cliiidiam ; I 
woll kmtvv' that iinwortliy comdiisions would 
ho drawn fnnii it, liiil I am callecl upon to 
dolivor my opinion ; iUid surely il i-t not in tho 
ji(tle c(;nsiiro of Mr. Ilorne (o deter rru; (rorn 
dfdn;; Hij',nal jiislico to a man, who, I confess, : 
has ^rown upon my esteem. As for the com- 
mon srndid viovva of avarice, or any [lurposo 



294 JUNIUS. 

of vulgar ambition,! question whether tlie ap- 
plause of Junius would be of service to Lord 
Chatham. My vote will hardly recommend 
hira to an increase of his pension, or to a seat 
in the cabinet. But if his ambition be upon a 
level with his understanding, if he judges of 
what is truly honourable for himself, with the 
same superior genius which animates and di- 
rects him to eloquence in debate, to wisdom in 
decision, even the pen of Junius shall contri- 
bute to reward him. Recorded honours shall 
gather round his monument, and thicken 
over him. It is a solid frabric, and will sup- 
port the laurels that adorn it. I am not con- 
versant in the language of panegyric These 
praises are extorted from me; but they will 
wear well, for they have been dearly earned. 

My detestation of the Duke of Grafton is 
not founded upon his treachery to any indi- 
vidual: though I am willing enough to sup- 
pose, that, in public affairs, it would be im- 
possible to desert or betray Lord Chatham, 
without doing an essential injury to this coun- 
try. My abhorence of the J3uke arises from an 
intimate knowledge of his character ; and from 
a thorough conviction that his baseness has 
been the cause of greater mischief to England, 
than even the unfortunate ambition of Lord 
Bute. 

The shortening the duration of Parliaments 
is a subject on which Mr. Home cannot en- 
large too warmly, nor will I question his sin- 
cerity. If I did not profess the same senti- 
ments, I should be shamefully inconsistent 
with myself. It is unnecessary to bind Lord 
Chatham by the written formality of an en- 
gagement. He has publicly declared himself 
a convert to triennial Parliaments; and though 
1 have long been convinced, that this is the 
only possible resource we have left to pre- 



JUNIUS. 205 

serve the substantial freedom of the constitu- 
tion, 1 do not think we have a rigiit to deter- 
mine against the integrity of Lord Rocking- 
Ijatn or iiis friends. Other measures may un- 
doubtedly be supported in argument, as bet- 
ter adapted to the disorder, or more likely to 
be obtained. 

Mr. Home is well assured that T never was 
the champion of Mr. Wilkes. But though I 
am not obliged lo answer for the firmness of 
his future adherence to the principles he pro- 
fesses, I have no reason to presume that he 
will hereafter disgrace them. As for all those 
imaginary cases which Mr. Home so pctulent- 
ly urges against me, I have one plain answer 
to make to him. Whenever Mr. Wilkes shall 
be convicted of soliciting, a pension, an em- 
bassy, or a government, he must depart from 
that situation, and renounce that character, 
which he assumes at present,' and which, in 
my opinion, entitles him to the support of the 
public. By the same act, and at the same mo- 
ment, he will forfeit his power of mortifying 
the King: and though he can never be a fa- 
vourite at St James s, his baseness may ad- 
minister a solid satisfaction to the royal mind. 
The man I speak of, has not a heart to feel for 
the frailties of his fellow creatures. It is their 
virtues that afflict, it is their vices that console 
him. 

I give every possible advantage to Mr. 
Home, when I take the facts he refers to for 
gi'anted That they are the produce of his in- 
vention, seems highly probable ; that they 
are exaggerated, 1 have no doubt. At the 
worst, what do they amount to .'' but thttt Mr. 
"Wilkes, who never was thought of as a per- 
fect pattern of morality, has not been m all 
times proof against the extremity of distress. 
How shameful is it in a man who has lived in 



296 JUNIUS. 

friendship with him, to reproach him with 
failings too naturally connected with despair ? 
Is no allowance to be made for banishment 
and ruin ? Does a two years imprisonment 
make no atonement for his crimes? The re- 
sentment of a priest is implacable : no sutfer- 
ings can soften, no penitence can appease 
liim. Yet he, himself, I think, upon his own 
system, has a multitude of political offences 
to atone for. I will not insist upon the nau- 
seous detail with which he so long disgusted 
the public : he seems to be ashamed of it. But 
what excuse will he make to the friends of 
the constitution, for labouring to promote this 
consummately bad man to a station of the 
highest national trust and importance ! Upon 
"what honourable motives did he recommend 
him to the livery of London for their repre- 
sentative? to the ward of Farringdon for their 
alderman? to the county of Middlesex for 
their knight ? Will he affirm, that, at that time, 
he was ignorant of Mr. Wilkes's solicitation 
to the Ministry ? That he should say so, is, in- 
deed, very necessary for his own justification : 
but where will he iind credulity to belive him. 
In what school this gentleman learned his 
ethics 1 know not. His logic seems to have 
been studied under Mr. Dyson. That misera- 
ble pamphleteer, by dividing the only prece- 
dent in point, and taking as much of it as 
suited his purpose, !iad reduced his argument 
upon the Middlesex election to something like 
the shape of a syllogism. Mr. Home has con- 
ducted himself with the same ingenuity and 
candour. I had affirmed, that Mr. Wilkes 
would preserve the public favour, " as long 
*' as he stood forth against a Ministry and Par- 
<* liament, who were doing every thing they 
" could to enslave the country, and as long 
" as he was a thorn in the King's side." Y?t, 



JUiNIUS. 297 

from the cxi>1ling triumph of Mr. Home's re- 
ply, one would think that I had rested my ex- 
pectation, tiiat Mr. Wilkes would be suppoi't- 
ed by the j)ublic upon the single condition of 
his mortifying the King, This may be logic 
at Caral)ridge, or at the treasury ; but, among 
men of sense and honour, it is folly or villainy 
in the extreme. 

1 sec the pitiful advantage he has taken of a 
single unguarded expression, in a letter not 
intended for the public. Yet it is only the ex- 
pression tliat is unguarded. I adhere to the 
true meaning of that member of the sentence, 
taken separately as he takes it: and now, up- 
on the coolest deliberation, re-assert, that, for 
the purposes I referred to, it may be highly 
meritorious to the public, to wound the per- 
sonal feelings of the Sovereign It is not a 
general proposition, nor is it generally appli- 
ed to the Cliief Magistrate of this, or any oth- 
er constitution. Mr Home knows as well as 
I do, that the best of Princes is not displeased 
with the abuse he sees thrown upon his osten- 
sible Ministers. It makes them, I presume, 
Tnore properly the objects of his royal com- 
passion. Neither does it escape his sagacity, 
that the lower they are degraded in the public 
esteem, the more submissively they must de- 
pend upon his favour for protection. Tiiis, 
I affirm, upon the most solemn conviction, 
and the most certain knowledge, is a leading 
maxim in the policy of the closet. It is un- 
necessary to pursue the argumejU any farther, 

Mr. Home is now a very loyal subject. He 
laments the wretched state of politics in this 
country: and sees, in a new light, the weak- 
ness Hnd folly of the opposition. Whoever, or 
whatever-, is Scvereign, demands the respect and ■■ 
support of the people ;* it was not so when JVero 

* The very soliloquy of Lord Suffolk before he 
passed the Rubicon. O " 



,^s jumus. 

Jlddltd while Rome was burning. •Otir gracious 
Sovereign has had wonderful success in crea- 
t'lng new attachments to kin pers,on and family. 
He owes it, I presume, to the regular system 
he has pursued in the mystery of conversion. 
He began vi'ith an experiment upon the Scotch, 
and conclndes Avith converting Mr. Home. 
What a pity it is, thut the Jews should he con- 
demned by rrovidence to vvait for a Messiah 
of their own ! 

The priesthood are accused of misinterpi'e- 
iing the Scriptures. Mr. Home has improved 
.upon his profession. He alters the text, and 
creates a refutable doctrine of his own. Such 
sacrilices, cannot long delude the understand- 
ings of the people; and without meaning an 
indecent comparison, I may venture to foretel, 
that the Bible and .Junius will be read when 
the commentaries «of the Jesuits aiv- forgot- 
fen. JUMUS. 



LETTER LV. 

To ike Frinter of the Public Advertiser . 

Sm, August £6, 1771. 

TiiK enemies of t!ie people, jiaving now no- 
thing better to object to my friend Junius, 
are at last obliged to quit his politics, and (o 
rail at him for crimes he is not guilty of. His 
vanity and impiety are now the perpetual to- 
pics of their abuse. I do not mean to lessen 
the force of such cliarges, supposing they 
were true, but to shew that^ they are not well 
. fousded. If I admitted the premises, 1 should 
readily agree in all the consequences drav,'a 
from them. Vanity, indeed^ is a vetiial error; 



JUNIUS. S99 

for It usually carries its own punishment with 
it ; but if 1 thought Junius capable of utter^ 
ing a disrespectful word of the religion of his 
country, I should be the first to renounce and 
give him up to the public contempt and indig- 
nation. As a man, I am satisfied that he is a 
Christian, upon the most sincere conviction: 
as a writer, he would be grossly inconsistent 
with his political principles, if he dared to at- 
tack a religion^ established by those laws, 
which it seems to be the purpose of his life to 
defend. Now for the proofs. Junius is ac- 
cused of an impious allusion to the holy sa- 
crament, where he says, That, if Lord Wey- 
rnoulh be denied the cup, there tvould be no 
keeping him wilhin ike pale of the Ministry. 
ISow, Sir, I affirm, that this passage refers en- 
tirely to a ceremonial iti the Roman Catholic 
church, Avhich denies the cup to the laity. It 
has no manner of relation to the Protestant 
creed ; and is in this country as fair an object 
of ridicule, as transubslantiation, or any other 
-part of Lord Peter's History in the Tale of a 
Tub. 

But Junius is charged with equal vanity 
and impiety, in comparing his writings to the 
Holy Scripture. The formal protest he makes 
against any such comparison avails him no- 
thing. It becomes necessary then to show 
that "the charge destroys itself. If he be vaiu 
he cannot be impious. 

A vain man does not usually compare him- 
self to an object which it is his design to un- 
dervalue. On the ether ^land, if he be impi- 
ous, he cannot be vain ; for his impiety, if 
any, must consist in his endeavouring to de- 
grade the Holy Scriptures, by a comparison 
with his own contemptible writings. This 
would be folly, indeed, of the grossest natures 
but wiiere lies the vanity .' I shall now Ije told;,, 



aoo JUNIUS. 

" Sir, what you say is plausible enough : but 
" still you must allow, that it is shamefully 
<' impudent in Junius to tell us that his works 
*' will live as long as the Bible." My answer 
as, .^rced; but first prove, that he has said so. 
Look at his words, and you will find that the 
utmost that he expects is, that the Bible and 
Junius will survive the commentaries of the 
Jesuits, which may prove true in a fortnight. 
The most malignant sagacity cannot show 
that his works are, in his opinion, to live as 
long as the Bible. Suppose I were to forlell, 
that Jack and Tom would survive Harry, does 
it follow that Jack must live as long as Tom ? 
1 would only illustrate my meaning, and pro- 
test against the least idea of profaneness. 

Yet this is the way in which Junius is usu- 
ally answered, arraigned, and convicted. 
These candid critics never remember any 
thing he says in honour of our holy religion ; 
though it is true, that one of his leading argu- 
ments is made to rest upon the internal evi- 
dence which the purest of all religions carries 
with it. I quote his words; and conclude from 
them, that he is a true and hearty Christian in 
substance, not in ceremony ; though possibly 
he may not agree with my Reverend Lords 
the Bishops, or with the head of the Church, 
that prayers arc morality, or thai kneeling is re- 
Usion. PHILO JUNtUS. 



LETTER LVL 

From the Rev. Mr. Home to Junius. 

August 17, 1771. 

I CONGRATULATE you, Sir, on the recovery of 
your wonted style, though it has eost you a fort- 



J.UNIUS. 301 

night. I compassionate your labour in the 
J composition of your letters, and will commu- 
nicate to you the secret of my lluency. Truth 
needs no ornament ; and, in my opinion, what 
she borrows of the pencil is deformity. 

You brought a positive charge against me of 
corruption. I denied the charge and called for 
your proofs. You replied with abuse, and 
reasserted your charge. I called again for 
proofs. You reply again with abuse only, 
and drop your accusation. In your fortnight's 
letter, there is not one word upon the subject 
of my corruption. I have no more to say, but 
to return thanks to you for your condecension, 
and to a grateful public, and hontst Ministry, 
for all the favours they have conferred upon 
me. The two latter, f am sure, will never re- 
fuse me any grace I shall solicit : and since 
you have been pleased to acknowledge, that 
you told a deliberate lie in my favour, out of 
bounty, and as a charitable donation, why 
may 1 not expect that you will hereaflcr (if 
you do not forget that you ever mentioned 
my name with disrespect) make the same ac- 
knowledgment for what you have said to my 
prejudice? This second recantation will, per- 
haps, be more abhorent from your disposition ; 
but should you decline it, you will only afford 
one more instance, how much easier it is to 
be generous than just, and that men are some- 
times bountiful who are not honebt. 

At all events, I am as well satisfied with pa- 
negyric as Lord Chatham can be. Monument 
I shall have none ; but over my grave it will 
be said, in your own Avords, " Home's situa- 
" lion did not correspond with his intentions."* 

JOHN IIORNE. 

* The epitaph would not be ill suited to the cha- 
" racter ; at tbe best, it is but equivocuU 



>,S02 JUNIUS. 

LETTER LVIL 

To his Grace the Duke of Grafton, 

My Lord, Sept. 28, 177L 

The people of England are not apprised of 
Oie full extent of their obligations to you. 
They have yet no adequate idea of the end- 
less variety of your character. They have 
seen you distinguished and successful in the 
continued violation of those moral and po- 
litical duties, by which the little as well as 
the great societies of life are connected and 
held together. Every colour, every charac- 
ter became you. With a rate of abilities 
whichLordVVeymouth very justly looks down 
npon with contempt, you have done as much 
mischief to the community as Cromwell 
would have done, if Cromwell had been a 
coward ; and as much as Machiavel, if Ma- 
chiavel had not known that an appearance of 
morals and religion is useful in society. To 
a thinking man, the influence of the Crown 
will, in no view, appear so formidable, as 
when he observes to what enormous exces- 
ses it has safely conducted your Grace, with- 
out a ray of real understanding, without even 
the pretensions to common decency, or prin- 
ciple of any kind, or a single spark of person- 
al resolution. What must be the operation 
of that pernicious influence (for which our 
kings have wisely exchanged the nugatory 
name of prerogative) that in the highest sta- 
tions can so abundantly supply the absence of 
virtue, courage, and abilities, and qualify a 
man to be the minister of a great nation, 
whom a private gentleman would be ashamed 
and afraid to admit into his family ! Like the 
universal passport of an ambassador, it super- 
sedes the prohibition of the laws, banishes 



4 



JUNIUS. 80S,i 

the sta))le virtues of the country, and intro- 
duces vice and folly triumphantly into all the 
departments of Ihe state. Other princes, be- 
sides his Majesty, liave had the means of cor- 
ruption within their reach, but they have used 
it with moderation. In former times, corrup- 
tion was considered as a foreign auxiliary to 
f;overnment, and only called in upon extraor- 
dinaiy emergencies. The unfeigned piety, the 
eanctified religion of George the Third, have 
taught hira to new model the civil forces of 
the state. The natural resources of the crown 
are no longer confided in. Con'uption glit- 
ters in the van, collects and maintains a stand- 
ing army of mercenaries, and at the same mo- 
ment impoverishes and enslaves the country. 
His Majesty's predecessors (excepting that 
worthy family from which you, my Lord, are 
unquestionably descended) had some gene- 
rous qualities in their comj)osition, with vices, 
1 confess, or frailties, in abundance. They 
were king^ or gentlemen, not hypocrites or 
priests. They were at the head of the church, 
but did not know the value of their office. 
They said the?ir prayers without ceremony, 
and had too little priestcraft in their under- 
standing, to reconcile the sanctimonious forms 
of religion w'ith the utter destruction of the 
morality of their people. My Lord, this is fact, 
not declamation. With all your partiality to 
the House of Stuart, you must confess that 
even Charles the Second would have blushed 
at that open encouragement, at those eager, 
raeretricious caresses, with which every spe- 
cies of private vice and public prostitution is 
received at St. .James's. The unfortunate 
House of Stuart has been treated with an as- 
perity which, if comparison be a defence, 
seems to border upon injustice. Neither 
Chfarles, nor his brother were qualified to sap- 



304 JUNIUS. 

port such a system of measures as would be 
necessary to change the government, and sub- <| 
vert the constitution of England, One of tiiem 
was too much in earnest in his pleasures, the 
other in his religion But the danger to this 
country would cease to be problematical, if 
the Crown should ever descend to a Prince, 
whose apparent simplicity might throw his 
subjects off their guard, who might be no li- 
bertine in behaviour, who should have no 
sense of honour to restrain him, and who, 
with just religion enough to impose upon the 
multitude, might have no scruples of con- 
science to interfere Avith his morality. With 
these honourable qualifications, and the deci- 
sive advantage of situation, low craft and false- 
hood are all the abilities that are wanting to 
destroy the wisdom of ages, and to deface the 
noblest monument that human policy has 
erected. I know such a man : My Lord, F 
icnow you both ; and, with the blessing of 
God (for I, too, am religious) the people of 
England shall know you as well as I do. I 
am not very sure that greater abilities would 
not, in effect, be an impediment to a design 
which seems, at first sight, to require a supe- 
rior capacity. A better understanding might 
make him sensible of the wonderful beauty of 
that system he was endeavouring to corrupt: 
the danger of the attempt might alarm him : 
the meanness and intrinsic worthlessness of 
the object (supposing he could attain it) would 
fill him with shame, i-epentance and disgust. 
Butthese are sensations which find no entrance 
into a barbarous, contracted heart. In some 
men there is a malignant passion to destroy 
the works of genius, literature and freedom. 
The Vandal and the monk find equal gratifica- 
tion in it. ^ 
Reflections like tliese, my Lord, have agen 



JUNIUS. 305 

eral relation to your Grace, and inseparably 
attend you, In whatever company or situation 
your character occurs to us. 'J'hey have no 
immediate connexion with the following re- 
cent fact, which I lay before the public, for 
the honour of the best of Sovereigns, and for 
the edification of his people. A Prince, (whose 
piety and self denial, one would think, might 
secure him from such a multitude of worldly 
necessities) with an annual revenue of near 
a million sterling, unfortunately wanls money. 
Thenavyof England, by an equally strange con- 
currence of unforeseen circum.stances (though 
not quite so unfortunately for his Majesty) is 
in equal want of timber. The world knows in 
■what a hopeful condition you delivered the 
navy to your successor, and in what a condi- 
tion we found it in the moment of distress. 
You were determined it should continue in 
the situation in which you left it. It happened, 
however, very luckily for the privy purse, that 
one of the above wants promised fair to sup- 
ply the other. Our religious, benevolent, gene- 
rous Sovereign has no objection to selling his 
own timber to his own admiralty, to repair Ids 
own ships, nor to putting the money into his 
own pocket. Peo[)le of a religious turn natu- 
rally adhere to the principles of the church ; 
whatever they acquire falls into viort-muin. 
Upon a representation from tlie admiralty of 
the extraordinary want of timber for the in- 
dispensable repairs of the navy, the surveyor- 
general was directed to make a survey of the 
timber in all the royal chases and forests in 
England. Having obeyed his orders with ac- 
curacy and attention, he reported that the 
finest timber he had any where met with, and 
the properest in every respect, for the pur- 
npses of the navy, was in Whittlebury Forest, 
of which your Grace, I think, is hereditary 



306 JUNIUS. 

ranger. la consequence of this ^port, the 
usual warrant was prepared at the treasury ,1! 
and delivered to the surveyor, by which he, or 
his deputy, were authorised to cut down any 
trees in VVhittlebury Forest, which should ap- 
pear to be proper for the purposes abovemen^ 
tioned. The deputy being informed that the 
warrant was signed and delivered to his prin- 
cipal in London, crosses the country to 
Northamptonshire, and, with an officious zeal 
for the public service, begins to do his duty in 
the forest Unfortunately for him, he had not 
the warrant in his pocket. The oversight was 
enormous ; and you have punished him for it 
accordingly. You have insisted, that an ac- 
tive, useful officer should be dismissed from 
liis place You have ruined an innocent man 
and ills family. In what language shall 1 ad- 
dress so black, so cowardly a tyrant ? Thou 
worse than one of the Brunswicks, and all the 
Stuarts ! To them who know Lord North, it is 
unnecessary to say, that he was mean and base 
enough to submit to you. This, however, is 
but a small part of the fact. After ruining 
the surveyor's deputy, for acting without the 
warrant, you attacked the warrant itself You 
declared that it was illegal ; and swore, in a fit 
of foaming frantic passion, that it never should 
be executed You asserted, upon your honour, 
that, in the grant of the rangership of Whittle- 
bury Forest, made by Charles the Second, 
(whom, with a modesty that would do honour 
to Mr. Rigby, you are pleased to call your an- 
cestor) to one of his bastards, (from whom I 
make no doubt of your descent) the property 
of the timber is vested in the ranger. I have 
examined the original grant ; and now, in the 
face of the public, contradict you directly up- 
on the fact. The very reverse of what yojj^. 
have asserted upon your honour is the ti'uth. 



JUNIUS. 307 

The grant, expressly and by a particular clause, 
^serves Ihe property of the timber for the use 
of the Crown. In spite of this evidence, in de- 
fiance of the representations of the admiralty, 
in perfect mockery of tli'e notorious distresses 
of the English navy, and those equally press- 
ing and almost equally notorious necessities of 
your pious Sovereign, here the matter rests. 
The Lords of the treasury recall their war- 
rant ; the deputy-surveyor is ruined for doing 
his duty ; Mr. John Pitt, (whose name, I sup- 
pose, is offensive to you) submits to be brow- 
beaten and insulted ; the oaks keep their 
ground; the King is defrauded ; and the navy 
of England may perish for want of the best 
and finest timber in the island And all this 
is submitted to, to appease the Duke of Graf- 
ton! to gratify the man who has involved the 
King and his kingdom in confusion and dis- 
tress ; and who, like a treacherous coward, 
deserted his Sovereign in the midst of it ! 

There has been a strange alteration in your 
doctrine, since you thought it advisable to rob 
the Duke of Portland of his property, in order 
to strengthen the interest of Lord Bute's son- 
in-law before the last general election. J^\d- 
lum tempus occurrit regi, was then your boast- 
ed motto, and the cry of all your hungry par- 
tisans. Now it seems a grant of Charles the 
Second to one of his bastards is to be held sa- 
cred and inviolable ! It must not be questioned 
by the King's servants, nor submitted to any 
interpretation but your own. My Lord, this 
was not the language you held, when it suited 
you to insult the memory of the glorious de- 
liverer of England from that detested family, 
to which you are still more nearly allied in 
principle than in blood. In the name of de- 
^ncy, and common sense, what are your 
Grace's merits, either with King or Ministry, 



308 JUNIUS. 

that should entitle you to assiirffc this domi- 
neering authority over I)ot!i ? Is it the tbrt#? 
nate coasanguinity yon claim with tiie- House 
of Stuart ? Is \^ the secret correspondence you 
liave so many years carried on with Lord 
Bute, by the assiduous, assistance of your 
cream-coloured paras'de ? Could not your gal- 
lantry find suilicient em|)loynient for liim, in 
those gentle oHiccs by which he llrst acquired 
the tender frlendshif) of Lord Barrington ? Or 
is it only that wonderful sympatiiy of manners 
which subsits between your Grace and one of 
your superiors, and does so mucl) honour to 
you both ? Is the union of Blijil and Black 
George no lons^ev i\ romance ? From whatever 
origin your inlluence iii this country arises, it 
is a phenomenon in the history of human vir 
tue and understanding Good men can hardly 
believe the fact; ^vise men are unable to ac- 
count for it. Religions men find exercise for 
their faith, and make it the last eit'ort of their 
piety not to repine against Providence. 

JUiNIUS. 



* LETTER LVIIT. 

Addressed to the Livery of London. 

Gentlemen, September 30, 177L 

If you alone were concerned in the event i 
of the present election of a Chief Magistrate 
of the metropolis, it would be the higliest pre- 
sumption in a stranger to attempt to inlluence 
your choice, or even to oiler you his opinion. 
But the situation of pid)lic affairs has annexed 
an extraordinary importance to your resolu- 
tions. You cannot, in the choice of youfi'i 
magistrate, determine for yourselves only. 



JUNIUS. 309 

Voii are f^oing to (letcrminc upon u ])()iiil, in 
W'Jiich cveiy ni(*iuber o( llic coinrnimily i.s in- 
(iM'csted. 1 will not sc,i'Uj)Io to say, tlmt tli(; 
vciy Iiciiig of thill hiw, of that rii;'h(, ot" tliat 
coiistitiilioii, lor whii;li we have hmi so loiij; 
conteiuling, is now ut stiike. Tiioy who wouUl 
ensnurc your jti(l*;nient, toll you, it is a com- 
mon onlinary case, and to he. (IccidcMl by or- 
dinary precedent and practice. 'I hey artlidly 
conclude, from moderate [leaceable limes, to 
limes which are notnu)derale, and which ought 
not to be peaceal)Ie. Wliile they solicit your 
favour, tliey insist upon a rule of rot:\(ion, 
which excludes all idea of election. 

Lei me be hojioiu'ed with a few minutrs of 
your attention. The (piestion, to tliose who 
mean fairly to the Hborly of the people, (w hicli 
we all profess to iiave in view) lies within a 
very narrow compass. Do you mean to de- 
sert that just and honoiu'able system of mea- 
sures which you have hitherto |)ur.siicd, in 
hopes of obtaining from Parliament, or from 
th(* Crown, a lull redress of past grievances, 
and a security for tlie future? Do you thiidc 
the cause desperate, and will you declare tiiut 
you tidnk so to the w!u)le peo[>le of England .•' 
if this be your meaning and opinion, you will 
act consistently with it in choosing Mr. INiish. 
1 profess to be uuac(iuainled with his |invale 
character; but he has acteil as a magislrati; ; 
as a public man. As such I s[)eak of him. i 
sec his name in a |)rotest against one of your 
remonstrances to the Crown. He has dono 
every thing in his power to destroy the free- 
•lom of i)opuliU' elections in the city, by pub- 
lishing the poll upon a former occasion; and 
1 know, in general, that he has distinguished 
liimsclf, by slighting and thwarting all those 
mjlilic measures which you have engaged in 
tTith the greatest warmth, and hitherto thought 



310 JUNIUS. 

most worthy of your approbation. Fromi 
his past conduct, what conclusion will y«j|»«4 
draw but that he will act the same part asi 
Lord Mayor, which he has invariably acted 
as Alderman and Sherifl"? He cannot alter hisi 
conduct without confessing, that he never 
acted upon principle of any kind. I should 
be sorry to injure the character of a man, who, 
perhaps, may be honest fn his intention, by 
supposing it possible that he can ever concur 
with you in any political measure or opinion. 
If, on the other hand, you mean to perse- 
vere in those resolutions for the public good, 
which, though not always successful, are al- 
ways honourable, your choice will naturally 
incline to those men who (whatever they be 
in other respects) are most likely to co-ope- 
rate with you in the great purpose, which you 
are determined not to relinquish. The ques- 
tion is not, of what metal your instruments are 
made, but whether Ihey are adapted to the vwrk 
you have in hand Tiie honours of the City, 
in these times, are improperly, because exclu-i 
sively, called a reward. You mean not merely 
to pay, but to employ. Are Mr. Crosby and' 
Mr. Sawbridge likely to execute the extraor- 
dinary, as well as the ordinary, duties of Lordi 
Mayor .'* Will they grant you common-halls 
when it .shall be necessary .'' Will they go upi 
with remonstrances to the King ? Have thcyi 
firmness enough to meet the fury of a venal 
House of Commons ? Have they fortiludei 
enough not to shrink at imprisonment.'' Have^ 
tlioy spirit enough to hazard their lives and' 
fortunes in a contest, if it should be riecessury, 
with a prostituted legislature.'' If these ques- 
tions can fairly be answered in the affirma- 
tive, your choice is made. Forgive ll;is pas- 
sionate language. I am unable to correct it. 
The subject comes home to us all. it h t1^ 
Inngaage of my heart. .fUNlUS. 



JUNIUS. 311 

LETTER LIX. 

To Lht Printer of the Public Jldvertiser. 

Sir, . Octobers, 1771. 

No man laments more sincerely than I do, 
the iinliappy dilferences which have arisen 
atiiong the triends oi the people, and divided 
tiicm from each other. The cauae, undoubt- 
edly, huiters as well by the diminution ul that 
strength which union carries along with it, as 
by the separate loss oi personal reputation 
which every man sustains when his ciiaracter 
and conduct are frequently held forth in odious 
or contemptible colours. These diherences 
are only advantageous to the common enemy 
of the cfjuntry. The hearty friends of the 
cause are provoked and disgusted. The luke- 
warm advocate avails himself of any pretence, 
to relapse into that indolent indirf<;rcnce;ibout 
every thing that ought to intere'it un English- 
man, so urjjuHtly dignilled with the title of 
moderation. The false, insidious partizan who 
creates or foments the disorder,seesthefruit of 
iiis dishonest industry ripen beyond his hopes, 
and rejoices in the promise of a banquet, 
only delicious to such an appetite as his own. 
It is time for those who really mean well to 
the Cause and the Peoplt, who have no view 
to private advantage, and who have virtue 
enou;:(i to prefer ihe general good of the com- 
munity to the gratification of personal ani- 
mobities ; it \% titnc for such men to interpose. 
Let us try whelher these fatal dissentions may 
not yet be reconciled ; or, if that be imprac- 
ticable, let us guard at least against the worst 
elfeeCs of division, and endeavour to persuade 
thes^i furious partisans, if they will not consent 
•^vO draw together, to he separately useful to 



212 JUNIUS. 

that cause which they all pretend to be at- 
tached to. Honour and honesty must not be^ 
renounced, although a thousand modes of 
right and wrong were to occupy the degrees 
of morality between Zeno and Epicurus. The 
fundamental principles of Christianity may 
still be preserved, though every zealous sectary , 
adheres to his own exclusive doctrine, and 
pious ecclesiastics make it part of their religion 
to persecute one another. The civil constitu- 
tion, too, that legal liberty, that general creed j 
which every Englishman professes, may still ; 
be supported, though Wilkes and Home, and 
Townsliend and Sawbridge, should obstinately 
refuse to communicate ; and even if the fa- 
thers of the church, if Savile, Richmond, Cam- 
den, Rockingham, and Chatham, should dis- i 
agree in the ceremonies of their political wor- : 
ship, and even in the interpretation of twenty 
texts in Magna Charta. 1 speak to the people, : 
as one of the people. Let us employ these ' 
men in whatever departments their various 
abilities are best suited to, and as muclx to the 
advantage of the common cause, as their dif- i 
ferent inclinations will permit. They cannot | 
serve us without essentially serving them- 
selves. 

If Mr. Nash be elected, he will hardly ven- . 
ture, after so recent a mark of the personal ! 
esteem of his fellow citizens, to declare him- 
self immediately a courtier. The spirit and . 
activity of the sheri.^fs will, I hope, be suffi- :i 
cient to counteract any sinister intention of ; 
the Lord Mayor. In collision with their vir- 
tue, perhaps, he may take fire. 

It is not necessary to exact from Mr Wilkes 
the virtues of a stoic. They were inconsistent 
with themselves, who, almost at the same mo- 
ment, represented him as the basest of ma!> . 
kind, yet seemed to expect from liim £uch iir^l 



JUNIUS. 313 

stances of fortitude and self-denial, as would 
do honour to an apostle. It is not, however, 

' flattery to say, that he is obstinate, intrepid, 
and fertile in expedients. That he has no 
possible resource but in the public favour, is, 
in my judgment, a considerable recommen- 
dation of him. I wish that every man who 
pretended to popularity were in the same pre- 
dicament. I wish that a retreat to St. James's 
were not so easy and open as patriots have 
found it. To Mr Wilkes there is no access. 
However he may be misled by passion or im- 
prudence, [ think he cannot be guilty of a de- 
liberate treachery to the public. The favour 
of his country constitutes the shield which de- 
fends him against a thousand daggers. Deser- 
tion would disarm him. 

I can more readily admire the liberal spirit 
and integrity, than the sound judgment of any 
man who prefers a republican form of govern- 
ment, in this or any other empire of equal ex- 
tent, to a monarciiv so qualified and limited 
as ours. I am convinced, that neither is it ia 
theory the wisest system of government, nor 
practicable in this country. Yet, though I 
hope the English constitution will for ever pre- 
serve its original monarchical form, I would 
have the manners of the people purely and 
strictly republican. I do not mean the licen- 
tious spirit of anarchy and riot. I do not mean 
a general attachment to the common weal, 
distinct from any partial attachment to persons 
or families ; an implicit submission to the 
laws only ; and an affection to the magistrate, 
proportionate to the integrity and wisdom 
with which he distributes justice to his peo- 
ple, and administers their atfairs. The pre- 
sent habit of our political body appears to 
rae the very reverse of what it ought to be. 

^<X'he form of the constitution leans rather more 
P 



314 JUNIUS. 

than enough to the popular branch ; while, in 
effect, the manners of the people (of those at 
least who are likely to take a lead in the conn- ^ 
try) incline too generally to a dependence 
upon the Crown. The real friends of arbitrary 
power combine the fact?, and are not incon- ' 
sistent with their principles, when they stren- [ 
iiously support the unwarrantable ^irivileges ^^ 
assumed by the House of Commons. I n these 
circumstances, it were much to be desired, 
that we had many such men as Mr Sawbridge 
to represent us in Parliament. 1 speak from 
common report and opinion only, when Tim- : 
pute to him a speculative predilection in fa- < 
vour of a republic. In the personal conduct 
and manners of the man I cannot be mistaken. * 
He has shown himself possessed of tb.at re- 
publican firmness which the times require ; 
and by which an English gentleman may be 
as usefully and a&honourably distinguisi;ed,as \ 
any citizen of ancient Rome, of Athens, or 
Lacedemon. 

Mr. Townshend complains that the public 1 
gratitude has not been answerable to his de- '■ 
serts. It is not difficult to trace the artifices 
which have suggested to him a language so 
unworthy of his understanding. A great man 
commands the affections of the people ; a pru- 
dent man does not complain when he has lost 
them. Yet they are far from being lost to Mr. 
Townshend. He has treated our opinion a 
little too cavalierly. A young man is apt to 
rely too confidently upon himself, to be as at- 
tentive to his mistress as a polite and passion- 
ate lover ought to be. Perhaps he found her 
at first too easy a conquest. Yet I fancy she ; 
will ht ready to receive him whenever he 
thinks proper to renew his addresses. Witii » 
all his youth, his spirit, and his appearance, it 
would be indecent in the lady to solicit hi^ 
return. 



JUAIUS. 315 

I have too much respect for the abilities of 
, Mr. Home, to Hatter myself that these gentle- 
men will ever be cordially re-uiiitcd. It is 
not, hoAvever, unreasonable to expect that 
each of them should act his separate part with 
honour and integrity to the public. As for 
differences of opinion upon speculative ques- 
tions, if we wait until they are reconciled, the 
action of human affairs must be stispendedfor 
ever. But neither are we to look for perfec- 
tion in any one man norfor agreement among 
many. When Lord Chatham afhrms that the 
authority of the British Legislature is not su- 
preme over the Colonies in the same sense in 
which it is supreme over Great Britain ; when 
Lord Camden supposes a necessity, (which 
the King is to judge of,) and, founded opon 
that necessity, attributes to the Crown a le- 
gal power (not given by the act itself,) (o sus- 
pend the operation of an act of the legisla- 
ture ; I lisStcn to them both with diffidence 
and respect, but without the smallest degre^ 
of conviction or assent. Yet I doubt not they 
delivered their real sentiments, nor ought they 
to be hastily condemned. I too have a claini 
to the candid interpretation of my country, 
when I acknowledge an involuntary, compal- 
sive assent to one very unpopular opinion. I 
lament the unhappy necessity, whenever it 
arises, of providing for the safety of the state 
by a temporary invasion of the personal li- 
berty of the subject. Would to God it Avere 
practicable to reconcile these important ob- 
jects, in every possible situation of public af- 
fairs ! I regard the legal liberty of the meanest 
man in Britain as much as my own, and would 
defend it with the same zeal. I know we 
must stand or fall together. But I never can 
, doubt, that the community has a right to com- 
■'TOand, as well as to purchase the service of its 



S15 JUNIUS. 

members. I see that right founded originally 
upon a necessity which supersedes all argu- 
ment. I see it established by usage imme- 
morial, and admitted by more than a tacit as- 
sent of the legislature. I conclude there is no 
remedy in the nature of things for the grie- 
vance complained of; for, if there were, it 
must long since imve been redressed. Though 
numberless opportunities have presented tiiem- 
selves, highly favourable to public liberty, no 
successful attempt has ever been made for the 
relief of the subject in this article. Yet it has 
heexx felt and complained of ever since Eng- 
land had a navy. The conditions which con- 
stitute this right must be taken together ; se- 
parately, they have little weigiit. It is not 
fair to argue, from any abuse in the execution, 
to the illegality of the power; much less is a 
conclusion to be drawn from the navy to the 
land service. A seaman can never be em- 
ployed but against the enemies of his country. 
The only case in which the King can have a 
right to arm his subjects in general, is that of 
a foreign force being actually landed upon our 
coast. Whenever the case happens, no true 
Englishman will inquire whether the King's 
right to compel him lo defend his country be 
the custom of England, or a grant of the legis- 
lature. With regard to the press for seamen, 
it does not follow that the syraptons may not 
be softened, although the distemper cannot be 
cured. Let bounties be increased as far as the 
public purse can support them. Still they 
have a limit; and when every reasonable ex- 
pense is incurred, it will be found, in fact, 
thai the spur of the press is wanted to give 
operation to the bounty. 

Upon the whole, J never had a doubt about 
the strict right of pressing, until I heard that 
lord Mansfield had applauded Lord Ch,at,ha«i 



■f 



JUxMUS. 317 

for deliverinp: something like this doctrine in 
the House of" Lords. That consideration stag- 
gered n)e not a little. But, upon reflection, 
his conduct accounts naturally for itself He 
knew the doctrine was unpopular, and was 
eager to tix it U])on (he man who is the first 
object of his fear and detestation. The cun- 
ning Scotchman never speaks truth without a 
fraudulent design. In council, he generally 
atlecls to take a moderate part. Besides his 
natural timidity, it makes part of his political 
plan, never to be known to recommend vio- 
lent measures. When the guards are called 
fortli to murder their fellow subjects, it is not 
by the ostensible advice of Lord Mansfield. 
That odious office, his prudence tells him, is 
better left to such men as Gower and Wey- 
mouth, as Harrington and Grafton. Lord 
Hillsborough wisely confines his firmness to 
the distant Amei'icans. Tiie designs of Mans- 
field are more subtle, more effectual, and se- 
•lure. Who attacks the liberty of the press ? 
Lord Mansfield. Who invades the constitu- 
tional power of juries? Lord Mansfield. What 
judge ever challenged a juryman but Lord 
Mansfield .'' Who was that judge, who, to save 
the King's brother, affirmed that a man of the 
first rank and quality who obtains a verdict in 
a suit for criminal conversation, is entitled to 
no greater damages than the meanest me- 
chanic .'' Lord Mansfield Who is it makes 
Conm)issionersof the Great Seal ? Lord Mans- 
field. Who is it that forms a decree for those 
Commissior.ers, deciding against Lord Chat- 
ham, and afterwards (finding himself opposed 
by the judges) declares in Parliament that he 
never had a doubt that the law was in direct 
op{»osition to that decree ? Lord Mansfield. 
Who is he that has made itthe study and prac- 
tice of his life to undermine and alter the whole 



318 JUNIUS. 

system of jurisprudence in the court of King's 
Bench ? Lord Mansfield. There never existed 
a man but himself who answered exactly to 
so complicated a description. Compared to 
these enormities, his original attachment to 
4!ie Pretender (to whom his dearest brother 
was confidential secretary) is a virtue of the 
first magnitude. But the hour of impeach- 
ment wiiJ come, and neither he nor Grafton 
shall escape me. Now let them make a com- 
mon cause against England and the House of 
Hanover. A Stuart and a Murray should sym- 
pathize with each other. 

When I refer to signal instances of unpopu- 
lar opinions, delivered and maintained by men 
who may well be supposed to have no view 
but the public good, I do not mean to renew 
the discussion of such opinions. I should be 
sorry to revive the dormant questions of Stamp 
Act, Corn Bill, or Press Warrant. I mean only 
to illustrate one useful proposition, which it 
is the intention of this paper to inculcate, That 
V}e should net generally reject the friendship or 
services of any man, because he differs from us 
in a particular opinion. This will not appear 
a superfluous caution, if we observe the ordi- 
nary conduct of mankind. In public affairs, 
there is the least chance of a perfect concur- 
rence of sentiment or inclination : yet every 
man' is able to contribute something to the 
common stock, and no man's contribution 
should be rejected. If individuals have no 
virtues, their vices may be of use to us. £ care 
not with what principle the new born patriot 
is animated, if the measures he supports are 
beneficial to the community. The nation is 
interested in his conduct. His motives are 
his own Tile properties of a patriot are pe- 
rishable in the individual ; but there is a quick 
succession of subjectSj and the breed is worth 



JUiMUS. 319 

.preserving. The spirit of the Americans may 
be an useful example to us Our dogs and 
horses are only Englisli upon English ground ; 
but patriotism, it seems, may be improved by 
transplanting 1 will not reject a bill which 
tends to conline parliaiaentar3r privilege within 
reasonable bounds, though It should be stolen 
from the house of Cavendish, and introduced 
by Mr Onslow^ The features of the infant 
are a proof of the descent, and vindicate the 
noble birth from the baseness of the adoption, 
1 willingly accept of a sarcasm from Colonel 
Bari-e, or a simile from Mr. f>urke. Even the 
silent vote of Mr. Calcraft's worth reckoning 
in a division. What though he riots in the 
plunder of the army, and has only determined 
to be a patriot when he could not be a peer? 
Let u.s profit by the assistance of such men 
while they are with us, an ! place them, if it 
be possible, in the post of danger to prevent 
desertion. The wary Wcdderburne, the pom- 
pous Suffolk, never threw away the scabbard^* 
nor ever went upon a forlorn hope. They 
always treated the King's Servants as men 
with whom, some time or other, they might 
probably be in friendship. When a man, who 
stands forth for the public, has gone that length 
from which there is no practicable retreat, 
when he has given that kind of personal of- 
fence, which a pious monarch never pardons, 
I then bci^in to think him in earnest, and that 
he will never have occasion to solicit the for- 
giveness of his country But instances of a 
determination so entire and unreserved are 
rarely met with. Let us take mankind as they 
are : let us distribute the virtues and abilities 
of individuals according to the offices they af- 
fect ; and, when they quit the service, let us 
endeavour to supply their places with better 
men than we have lost, in this country there 
are always candidates enough for popular fa- 



,32« JfUNIUS. 

Vour. The temple of fame is the shortest pas- 
sage to riches and perferraent. 

Above all things, let me guard my country- 
men against the meanness and folly of accept- 
ing of a trifling or moderate compensation for 
extraordinary and essential injuries. Our ene- 
mies treat us as the cunning trader does the 
unskilful Indian ; they magnify their gene- 
rosity, when they give us baubles of little pro- 
portionate value for ivory and gold. The 
same House of Commons who robbed the 
constituent body of their right of free elec- 
tion; who prestirae to makealaw, underpre- 
tence of declaring it; who paid our good 
King's debts, without once inquiring how they 
were incurred ; who gave thanks for repeated 
murders committed at home, and for national 
infamy incurred abroad ; who screened Lord 
Mansfield ; who imprisoned the magistrates 
of the metropolis for asserting the subject's 
right to the protection of the laws ? who erased 
a judicial record and oi'dered all proceedings 
in a criminal suit to be suspended ; this very 
House of Commons have graciously consented 
that their own Members may be compelled to 
pay their debts, and that contested elections 
shall, for the future, be determined with some 
decent regard to the merits of the case. The 
event of the suit is of no consequence to the 
Crown. While parliaments are septennial, the 
purchase of the sitting member, or of the pe- 
titioner, makes but the difference of a day. 
Concessions such as these are of little moment 
to the sum of things ; unless it be to prove 
that the worst of men are sensible of the inju- 
ries they have done us, and perhaps to de- 
monstrate to us the imminent danger of onr 
situation. In the shipwreck of the state, tri- 
fles float, and are preserved ; while evey thing 
solid and valuable sinks to the bottom, and is 
lost forever. JUNIUS. 



JUNIUS. 321 

LETTER LX. 
To the Printer of Ihe Public Advertiser. 

Sir, October 15, 1771. 

T AM convinced that Junius is incapable of 
vvilfuliy misrepresenting any man's opinion, 
and that his inclination leads liini to treat Lord 
Camden with particnhir candour and respect. 
.The doclrine attributed to him hy Junius, as 
far as It 2;f>es, corresponds with that stated by 
your correspondent Scan-ola, who seems to 
make a distinction without a difi'erence. Lord 
Camden, it is agreed, did certainly maintain, 
that, in the recess of Parliament, the King 
(by which we all mean the King in Council^ 
or the Executive Power) might suspend tlio 
operation of an Act of the Legislature ; and 
he founded his doctrine upon a supposed ne- 
cessily, of which the King, in the first instance, 
must l)e judge. The Lords and Commons 
cat)nol be judges of it in tiie first instance, for 
they do not exist. Thus far Junius. 

But, says Sca^vola, Lord Camden made 
Parliament, and not the King, judges of the 
necessity. That Parliament may review the 
nets of Ministers, is unquestionable ; but there 
is a wide diiierence between saying, that the 
Crown has a legal power, and that Ministers 
may act al. the ir peril. \Vlien we say that au 
act is illegal, we mean lliat it is forbidden by 
a joint resolution of the three estates. How 
a s.ibsequeut resolution of two of those branch- 
es can make it legal, ah inilio, will reipiire ex- 
jilanation. If it could, the consequence ^vouUl 
be truly dreadful, especially in these times. 
There is no act of arbitrary pouer, which the 
King might not attribute to necessity, and for 
which he would not be secure of obtaining 
llie approbation of his prostituted Lords and 
P 2 



322 JUNIUS. 

Ck)ramons, If Lord Camden admits that the 
subsequent sanction of Parliament was neces- 
sary to make the proclamation legal, why did 
he so obstinately oppose the bill, which was 
soon after brought in, for indemnifying all 
those persons who had acted under it ? if that 
bill had not been passed, I am ready to main- 
tain, in direct contradiction to Lord Camden's 
' doctrine (taken as Scsevola states it) that a li- 
tigious exporter of corn, who had suffered in 
Ids property, in consequence of tlie procla- 
snation, might have laid his action against fhe 
custom-house oificers, and would infallibly 
have recovered damages. No jury could re- 
fuse them ; and if I, who am by no means 
Fitigious, had been so injured, I would assur- 
€ai3^ have instituted a suit in Westminster- 
hall, on purpose to try the question of right. 
I vv'ould have done it on a principle of defi- 
ance of tlie pretended power of either or both 
Houses to make declarations inconsistent with 
lav/ ; and I have no doubt that, with an act 
of Parliament on my side, I should have been 
loo strong for them all. This is the way wdiich 
an Englishman should speak and act ; and not 
suffer dangerous precedents to be established, 
becanse the circumstances are favourable or 
palliating. 

With regard to Lord Camden, the truth is, 
that he inadvertantl}^ oversiiot himself, as ap- 
pears plainly by tluit unguarded mention of a 
iyramiy of fort ;j days, vv'hich i myself heard. 
Instead of asserting, that the proclamation 
was legal-) he should have said, " Pt'Iy Lords, 
*' 1 know the proclamation was illegal ; but I 
*' advised it because it w^as indispensably ne- 
'' cessary, to save the kingdom from famine ; 
" and I submit myself to tkc justice and mer- 
^' cy of my country." 

Such language as this would have been 



JUNIUS. 323 

manly, rational, and consistent: not unfit for 
a lawyer, and every way worthy of a great 
man. PHILO JUNIUS. 

P. S. If Scajvola should think proper to 
write again upon this subject, I beg of him to 
give me a direct answer; that is, a plain af- 
firmative or negative to the following ques- 
tions : In the interval between the publishing 
such a proclamation (or order of council) as 
that in question, and its receiving the sanction 
of the two Houses, of wliat nature is it ? Is 
it legal or illegal ? or, is it neither one nor the 
other ? I mean to be candid, and will point 
out to him the consequence of his answer 
either way. If it be legal, it wants no farther 
sanction : if it be illegal, the subject is not 
bound to obey it, consequently it is an useless, 
nugatory act, eveti as to its declared purpose. 
Before tiie meeting of Parliament, the whole 
mischief which it means to prevent will have 
been completed. 



LETTER L?X 

Tq Zcno. 

Sir, October 17, 1771. 

Tiir. sophistry of your letter in defence of; 
Lord Mansfield is adapted to the character 
you defend. But Lord Mansfield is a man of 
form, and seldom in his behaviour transgresses: 
the rules of decorum. I shall imitate his 
Lordship's good manners, and leave you in I 
the full possession of his principles. I will 
not call you liar, Jesuit, or villain ; but with 
ail the politeness imaginable, perhap?, I may 
prove you so. 



3f24 JUNIUS, 

Like other fair pleaders in Lord Mansfield's 
school of justice, you answer Junius by nais* 
quoting his words, and mislating his proposi- 
tions. If I am candid enough to admit that 
this is the very logic taught at St. Omer's, you 
"will readily allow that it is the constant prac- 
tice in the Court of King's Bench. Junius does 
not say that he never had a doubt about the 
strict right of pressing, till he knew Lord Mam- 
Jield wa.'i of the same opinion. His words are, 
until he heard that Lord Mansjieldhad applaud^ 
ed Lord Chatham for maintaining thai doctrine 
ill the House of Lords. It was not the acci- 
dental concurrence of Lord Mansfield's opin- 
ion, but the suspicious applause given by a 
cunning Scotchman to the man he detests, 
that raised and justified a doubt in the mind 
of Junius The question is not, whether Lord 
Mansfield be a man of learning and abilities, 
(which Junius has never disputed) ; but whe- 
ther or no he abuses and misapplies his ta- 
lents. 

Junius did not say that Lord Mansfield had 
advised the calling out of the guards. On the 
contrary, his plain meaning is, that he left that 
odious office to men less cutlning than him- 
self. Whether Lord Mansfield's doctrine con- 
cerning libels be or be Uot an attack upon the 
liberty of the press, is a question which the 
public in general are very well able to deter- 
mine. I shall not enter into it at present Nor 
do I think it necessary to say mucli to a man, 
Vvdio had the daring confidence to say to a ju- 
ry, " Gentlemen, you are to bring in a verdict 
^' guilty or not guilty ; but whether the de- 
*< fendant be guilty or innocent, is not matter 
*• for 2/oMr consideration." Clothe it in what 
language you will, this is the sum total of 
Lord Mansfield's doctrine. If not, let Zeno 
:^how U5 the ditference. 



But, it seems, the liberty of the presis mai) he 
abusedj and the abuse of a valuaHe ■privilege is 
the certain means to lose it. The first 1 admit ; 
but let the abuse be submitted to a jury ; a 
sufficient, and, indeed, the only legal and con- 
stitutional check upon the license of the press. 
The second I flatly deny. In direct contra- 
diction to Lord Mansfield, I affirm, that " the 
" abuse of a valuable privilege is not the cer- 
" tain means to lose it:" if it were, the En- 
glish nation would have few privileges left ; 
for, where is the privilege that has not, at one 
time or other, been abused by individuals ? 
But it is false in reason and equity that par- 
ticular abuses should produce a general for- 
feiture. Shall the conjmunity be deprived of 
the protection of the laws, because thei*c are 
robbers and murderers ? Shall the community 
be punished, because individuals Ijave otiend- 
ed .'' Lord Mansfield says so, consistently 
enough with his principles ; bnt I wonder to 
find him so explicit. Yet, for one concession, 
however extorted, f confess myself obliged to 
him. The liberty of the press is, after all, a 
valuable privilege. I agree with him most 
heartily, and will defend it against him. 

You ask me, what juryman v/as challenged 
by Lord Mansfield .'' I tell you ; his name was 
Benson. When his name was called. Lord 
Mansfield ordered the clerk to pass him by. 
As for his reasons, you may ask himself, for 
he assigned none : but I can tell you what all 
men thought of it. This Benson had been re- 
fractory upon a former jury, and would not 
accept of the law as delivered by Lord Mans- 
field ; but had the impudence to pretend to 
think for himself. But you, it seems, honest 
Zeno, know nothing of* the matter. You ne- 
ver read Junius's letter to your patron : You 
never heard of the intended instructions from 



S26 JUNIUS. 

the city to impeach Lord Mansfield : You ne- 
ver heard by what dexterity of Mr. Patterson ^ 
that measure was prevented. How wonder- 
fully ill some people are informed ! 

Junius did never affirm, that the crime of 
seducing the wife of a mechanic or a peer, is 
not the same, taken in a moral or religious 
view. What he affirmed in contradiction to 
the levelling principle so lately adopted by 
Lord Mansfield, was, that the damages should 
be proportioned to the rank and fortune of the 
parties: and for this plain reason (admitted by 
every other judge that ever sat in Westmin- 
ster-hall) because what is a compensation or 
penalty to one man, is none to another. The 
sophistical distinction you attempt to draw 
between the person injured and the person 
injuring, is Mansfield all over. If you can 
once establish the proposition, that the injur- 
ed party is not entitled to receive large dam- 
ages, it folloAVS, pretty plainly, tliat the party 
injuring should not be compelled to pay them : 
consequently^ the King's brother is elFectually 
screened by Lord Mansfield's doctrine. Your 
reference to Nathan and David comes natu- 
rally in aid of your patron's professed system 
of jurisprudence. He is fond of introducing 
into the Court of King's Bench any law that 
contradicts or excludes the common law of 
England ; whether it be canon, civil, jus gen- 
tium, Of Levitical. But, Sir, the Bible is the 
code of our religious faith, not of our muni- 
cipal jurisprudence: and though it v.fas the 
pleasure of God to inflict a particular punish- 
ment upon David's crime (taken as a breach 
of his divine commands) and to send his pro- 
phet to denounce it, an English jury have no- 
thing to do either with David or the prophet. 
They consider the crime only as it is a breach, 
of order, an injury to an individual, and au 



JUNIUS. 327 

ollence to society; and they judge of it by 
certain positive rules of law or by the prac- 
tice of their ancestors. Uj)on the whole, the 
after GoiTs oivn heart is much indebted to you 
for comparing him to the Duke of Cumber- 
land. That his Royal Highness may be the 
man after Lord Mansfield's own heart, seems 
much more probable ; and you, I think, Mr. 
Zeno, might succeed tolerably well in the 
character of Nathan. The evil deity, the pro- 
phet, and the royal sinner, would be very 
proper company for one another. 

You say, Lord Mansfield did not make the 
commissioners of the Great Seal, and that he 
only advised the King to appoint. I believe 
Junius meant no more ; and the distinction is 
hardly worth disputing. 

You say he did net deliver an opinion upon 
Lord Chatham's appeal. I affirm that he did, 
directly in favour of the appeal. This is a 
point of fact to be determined by evidence 
otdy. But you assign no reason for his sup- 
posed silence, nor for his desiring a conference 
witii the judges the day before. Was not all 
Westminster-hall convinced that he did it 
with a view to puzzle them with some per- 
plexing question, and in hopes of bringing 
some of them over to him ? You say the 
commissioners were very capable of framing 
a decree for tiicmaelvcs. By Ihe fact, it only 
appears, that they were capable of framing 
an illegal one ; which, 1 apprehend, is not 
much to the credit either of their learning or 
integrity. 

We are both agreed, that Lord Mansfield 
has incessantly laboured to introduce new 
modes of proceeding in the court where he 
presides: but you attribute it to an honest 
. zeal in behalf of innocence, oppressed by 
quibble and chicane. I say, that he has in- 
troduced new law too, and removed the land- 



'A-lS JUNIUS. 

marks established by former decisions. I sai% 
that his view is, to change a court of commonq 
law into a court of equity, and to bring every 
thing within the arbilrmm of a prcetorian court. 
The public must determine between us. But 
now for his merits. First then, the establish- 
ment of the judges in their places for life, jj 
(whicli you tell us was advised by Lord Mans- | 
field) was a concession merely to catch the 
people. It bore tlie appearance of a royal 
bounty, but had nothing real in it. The judg- | 
es were already for life, excepting in the case ! 
of a demise, your boasted bili only provides, 
that it shall not be in the power of the King's 
successor to remove {hem. At the best, there- 
fore, it is only a legacy, not a gift, on the part 
of his present Majesty, since, for himself, he 
gives up nothing. That he did oppose Lord 
Camden and Lord Northington upon the pro- 
clamation against the exportation of corn, is 
most trOe, and ^vith great ability. With his 
talents, and taking the right side of so clear a 
question, it was impossible to speak ill. His 
motives are not so easily penetrated. They 
who are acquainted with the state of politics 
at that period, will judge of them somewhat 
differently from Zeno. Of the popular bills, 
which you say he supported in the House of 
Lordsj the most material is unquestionably 
that of Mr. Grenville for deciding contested 
elections. But I should be glad to know upon 
what possible pretence, any member of the 
upper House could oppose such a bill, after it 
had passed the House of Commons ? 1 do not 
pretend to know what share he had in pro- 
moting the other two bills ; but I am ready to 
give him all the credit you desire. Still you 
will find, that a whole life of deliberate ini- 
quity is ill atoned for by doing now and then j 
a laudable action, upon a mixed or doubtful 



JUiMUS. 329 

principle. If it be unworthy of him, thus un- 
gratefully treated, to labour any longer f(jr tlie 
public, in Oods name lei him retire. His bro- 
ther's patron (whoso liealtli he once was anx-^ 
ious for) is liead ; but the son of that unfor- 
tunate prince survives, and I dare say, will 
be ready to receive him. 

PHILO JUNIUS 



LETTER LXII. 

To an Advocate in the Cause of the People. 
Sir, October IS, 1771. 

You do not treat Junius fairly. You would 
not have condemned him so hastily, if you 
had ever read Judge Foster's argument upon 
the legality of pressing seamen. A man who 
has not read that argument, is not (jualified to 
speak accurately upon the subject. In an- 
swer to strong facts and fair reasoning, you 
produce nothing but a vague comparison be- 
tween two things which have little ov no re- 
semblance to each other. General H anmifs, 
it is -rue, had been often issued ; but they had 
neverbeen regularly questioned or resisted un- 
til the case of Mr. Wilkes He brought them 
to trial ; and the moment they were tried, they 
were declared illegal. This is not ih( cHse of 
Press Warrants. They have been complainf^d of, 
questioned, and resisted in a thousand instan- 
ces ; l)ut still the legislature have never inter- 
posed, nor has there ever been a formal deci- 
sion against them in any of the superior courts. 
On the contrary, they have been frequently 
recognized and admitted by Parliament : and 
there are judicial opinions given in their fa- 



330 JUNIUS. 

vour by judges of the first character. Under 
the various circumstances stated by Junius, 
he has a right to conclude for himself, that 
f there is no remedy. If you have a good one 
to propose, you may depend upon the assis- 
tance and applause of Junius. The magistrate 
who guards the liberty of the individual, de- 
segi^es to be commended. But let him remem- 
ber, that it is also his duty to provide for, or 
at least not to hazard, the safety of the com- 
munity. If, in the case of a foreign war, and 
the ex|>ectation of an invasion, you would 
rather keep your fleet in harbour, than man 
it by pressing seamen, who refuse the bounty, 
I have done. 

You talk of disbanding the army with won- 
derful ease and inditference. If a wiser man 
held such language, I should be apt to suspect 
his sincerity. 

As for keeping up a much greater number 
of seamen in lime of peace, it is not to be 
done : you will oppress the merchant,' you 
will distress trade, and destroy the nursery 
of your seamen. Me must be a miserable 
statesman w^ho voluntarily, by the same act, 
increases the public expense, and lessens the 
saaeans of supporting it. PHILO JUNIUS. 



LETTER LXIII. 

October 22, 1771. 

A FRTKND of Junius desires it may be ob- 
served (in answer to A Barrister al Lmo .-) 

1. That tiie fact of Lord Mansfield's having 
ordered a juryman to be passed by (which 
poor Zeno never heard of) is now formally 
admitted. When Mr. Bmson's name was call-* 



JUNIUS. 331 

ed. Lord Mansfield was observed to flush in 

i^lhe fiice (a signal of guilt notMmcomm'6n with 

■ him) and cried out, Pass him by. This 1 take 

to be something more than a peremptory ciial- 

•lengc : it is an unlawful comuv md, -wWXioni any 

reason assigned. That the counsel did not 

^resist, is true ; but this might happen either 

from inadvertance, or a criminal complaisance 

to Lord Mansfield. You barristers are too apt 

to be civil to my Lord Chief Justice, at the 

expense of your clients. 

2. Junius did never say, that Lord Mans- 
field had destroyed the liberty of the press. 
" That liis Lordship has laboured to destroy, that 
^* his doctrine is an attack upon the liberty of 

I *' the pre,'^, that it is an invasion of the right 
*' of juries," are the propositions maintained 
by Junius, His opponents never answer him 
in point ; for they never meet him fairly upon 
his own ground. 

3. Lord Mansfield's policy, in endeavouring 
to screen his unconstitutional doctrines be- 
hind an act of the leigislature, is easily un- 
derstood. Let every Englishman stand upon 
his guard : the right of juries to return a gen- 
eral verdict, in alt cases whatsoever, is a part 
of our constitution. It stands in no need of 
a bill, either enacting or declaratory, to con- 
firm it. 

4. With regard to the Grosvenor cause, it 
is pleasant to observe, that the doctrine attri- 
buted by Junius to Lord Mansfield, is admit- 
ted by Zeno, and directly defended The 
Barrister has not the assurance to deny it flat- 
ly ; but he evades the charge, and softens the 
doctrine, by such poor contemptible quibbles 
as cannot impose upon the meanest under- 
standing, 

5. The quantity of business in the Court of 
fling's Bench, proves nothing but the litigious 



S32 JUNIUS. 

spirit of the people, arising from the great iit* 
crease of weoltllfand commerce. These- how-^ 
ever, are now upon the decline, and will soon! 
leave nothing but law-suits behind themn 
When Junius affirms, that Lord Mansfield has 
laboured ro alter the system of jtirisprudencet 
in the court where his Lordship presides, hei 
speaks to those who are able to look a littlei 
farther than the vulgar. Besides, that the mul- 
titude are easily deceived by the imposing; 
names of equity and substantial justice, it does! 
not follow that a judge, who introduces into 
his court new modes of proceeding, and newi 
principles of law, intends, in every inftance, 
to decide unjustly. Why should be, where hei 
has no interest.'' We say, that Lord Mansfield 
is a bttd man, and a worse judge; but we do 
not say that he is a mare devil. Our adversa-] 
ries would fain reduce us to the diftiruity of 
proving too much This artifice, however, 
shall not avail him. The truth of the matter is 
plainly this: when Lord Mansfield has suc- 
ceeded in his scheme of changing a court of 
Common Law to a court of Equity, he will 
have it in his power to do injustice whenever, 
he thinks proper This, thougli a wicked pur- 
pose, is neither absurd nor unattainable. i 
6. The last par^fgraph, relative to Lord 
Chatham's cause, cannot be answered It part- 
ly refers to facts of too secret a nature to be 
ascertained, and partly is unintelligible. " Up- 
*' on one point the cause is decided figainst 
" Lord Chatham : upon another point it is de- 
" cided for him." Both the law and the lan- 
guage are well suited to a barrister! If I have 
^ny guess at this honest gentleman's meaning, 
it is, " That whereas the Commissioners of 
" the Great Seal saw the question in a point 
" of view unfavourable to Lord Chatham. 
" aod decreed accordingly} Lord Mansfieldlfl 



JUNIUS. 333 

" out of sheer love and kindness to Lord 
*'CljaUiain, took tlie pains^to place it in a 
'" point of view more fiivoura'oie to tlie ap- 
•*' jycllanl.'" Credat Jn/hcns jjppdia. So curi- 
ons an assertion would stagger the faith of 
Mr. Sylva. 



LETTER LXIV. 

November 2, 1771. 

We are desired to make the following de- 
claration, in behalf of Junius, upon three ma- 
terial points, on which his opinion has been 
mistaken or misrepresented. 

1. Junius considers the right of taxing the 
Colonies, by an act of the British Legislature, 
as a speculative right merely, never to be eX' 
erlcd, nor ever to be renounced. To his judg- 
ment it appears plain, " That the general rea- 
" sonings which were employed against that 
" power, went directly to our whole legislative 
" right ; and that one part of it could not be 
" yielded to such arguments, without a virtual 
" surrender of all the rest." 

2. That, with regard to press-warrants, 
his arguments should be taken in his own 
words, and answered strictly ; that compari- 
sons may sometimes illustrate, but prove no- 
thing; and that, in this case, an appeal to the 
passions is unfair, and unnecessary. Junius 
feels and acknowledges the evil in the most 
express terms, and will sliow himself ready to 
concur in any rational plan that may provide 
for the liberty of the individual, without ha- 
zarding the safety of the community. At tlie 
same time he expects that the evil, such as it 
is, be not exaggerated or misrepresented. In 
general, it is not unjust, that, v;hcn the rich 



334 JUNIUS. 

man*contributes his wealth, the poor mam 
should serve th#state in person ; otherwise , 
the latter contributes nothing to the defencef 
of that law and constitution from which he de-j 
marids safety and protection. But the ques- 
tion does not lie between the^nch and the poor. 
The laws of England make no such distinc- 
tions. Neither is it true, that the poor mam 
is torn from the care and support of a wifet 
and family, helpless without him. The singles 
question is, Whether the Seaman* in times of I 
public danger, shall serve the merchant, ovi 
the state, in that profession to which he was^ 
bred, and by the exercise of which alone, he 
can honestly support himself and his family ? 
General arguments against the doctrine of ne- 
cessity, and the dangerous use that may bei 
made use of it, are of no weight in this parti- 
cular case. Necessity includes the idea of 
inevitable. Whenev^er it is so, it creates a^' 
law to which all positive laws, and all positive 
rights, must give way. In this sense, the levy >^ 
of ship money by the King's warrant was nott 
necessary, because the business might have 
been as well or better done by Parliament. If 
the doctrine maintained by Junius be confined 
within this limitation, it will go but a very,' 
little way in support of arbitrary power., 
That the King is to judge of the occasion, is 5 
no objection, unless we are told how it cam 
possibly be otherwise. There are other in-- 
stances, not less important in the exercise, not t 
less dangerous in the abuse, in which the con--, 
stitution relies entirely upon the King's judg- | 
raent. The executive power proclaims warr| 
and peace, binds the nation by treaties, orders 'i 
general embargoes, and imposes quarantines; 

* I confine myself strictly to Seamen. If' any! 
others are pressed, it is a gross abuse, which the-'* 
magistrate can and should correct. 



JUNIUS. 335 

not to mention a multitude of prerogative 
writs, which, though liiible to the greatest 

'abuses, were never disputed. 

, 3, It has been urged, as a reproach to Ju- 
nius, tijat he has not delivered an 0])inion upon 
the game laics, and particularly tlie late dog 
act. But Junius thinks he has much greater 
reason to complain, that he is never assisted 
])y those who are able to assist lilm : and that 
almost the whole labour of the press is thrown 
upon a siiigle hand^ from which a discussion 
of every public question is unreasonalily ex- 
pected. He is not paid for his labour, and 
certainly has a right to choose his employ- 
ment. As to the game laws, he never scru- 
pled to declare his ojjinion, that they are a 
species of the forest laxcs; that they are op- 
pressive to the subject ; and that the spirit of 
them is incompatible with legal liberty ; that 
the penalties imposed by these laws bear no 
proportion to the nature of the offence : that 
the mode of trial, and the degree and kind of 
evidence necessary to convict, not only de- 
prive the subject of all the benefits of a trial 
by jury, but are in themselves too summary, 
and to the last degree arbitrary and oppres- 
sive : that, in particular, the late acts to pre- 
vent dog-stealing, or killing game between 
sun and sun, are distinguished by their abaur- 
dily, extravagance, and pernicioi'ss tendency. 
If these terms are weak or ambiguous, in what 
language can Junius express himself? It is no 
excuse for Lord Mansfield to say, that he hap- 
pened to be absent when these bills passed the 
House of Lords. It was his duty to be pre- 
sent. Such bills could never have passed the 
House of Commons without his knowledge. 
But we very well know by what rule he re- 
gulates his attendance. When that order was 

r'made in the House of Lords, in ths case of 



336 JUNIUS. 

Lord Pomfret, at which every Englishman 
shudders, my honest Lord Mansfield found 
himself, hy mere accidtni, in the Court of King's ' 
Bench, otherwise he would have done won- 
ders in defence of law and property ! The 
pitiful evasion is adapted to the character. 
But Junius will never justify himself by the 
example of this bad man. The distinction be- 
tween doing wrong, and avoiding to do rights 
belongs to Lord Mansfield. Junius disclaims it. 



LETTER LXV. 

To Lord Chief Justice Mansfield. 

Novembers, 1771. 

At the intercession of three of your coun- 
trymen, you have bailed a man, who, I pre- 
sume, is also a Scotchman, and whom the Lord 
Mayor of London had refused to bail. I do 
not mean to enter into an examination of the 
partial, sinister motives of your conduct 5 but, 
confining myself strictly to the fact, 1 affirm 
that you have done that which, by law, you 
were not warranted to do. The thief was ta- 
ken in the theft : the stolen goods were found 
upon him, and he made no defence. In these 
circumstanced- C*^he truth of which you dare 
not deny, because it is of public notoriety,) it 
could not stand indifferent whether he was 
guilty or not, much less could there be any 
presumption of his innocence; and in these 
circumstances, I affirm, in contradiction to 
you. Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, that by the 
laws of England, he was not bailable. If ever 
Mr. Eyre should be brought to trial, we shall 
hear what you have to say for yourself ; and 
I pledge myself, before God and my countiy, 
in proper time and place, to make good my* 
charge against you. JUNIUS. 



JUNIUS. 337 

LETTER LXVI. 

To the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 

November 9, 177 L 

Junius engages to make good his charge 
against Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, some time 
before the meeting of Parliament, in order 
that the House ot Commons may, if theytliink 
proper, make it one article in the impeach- 
ment of the said Lord Chief Justice. 



LETTER LXVIL 

To his Grace the Duke of Grafton. 

November 27, 1771. 

What is the reason, my Lord, that, when, 
almost every man in the kingdom, without 
distinction of principles or party, exults in tiie 
ridiculous defeat of Sir James Lowther, when 
good and bad men unite in one common opi" 
nion of that baronet, and triumph in his dis- 
tress, as if the event (without any reference 
to vice or virtue,) were interesting to human 
nature, your Grace alone should appear so 
miserably depressed and afflicted ? In such 
universal joy, I know not where you will look 
for a compliment of condolence, unless you 
appeal to the tender sympathetic sorrows of 
Mr. Bradshaw. That cream-coloured gentle- 
man's tears, affecting as they are, carry con- 
solation along with them. He never weeps, 
but like an Ajirii shower, with a lambent ray 
of sunshine upon his countenance. From the 
feelings of honest men upon this joyful occa- 
sion j I dp not naeafl to draw any conclusiQn 
Q 



338 JUNIUS; 

-lo your Grace. They naturally rejoice whert 
they see a signal instance of tyranny resisted 
with success, of treachery exposed to the de- 
rision of the world, an infamous informer de- 
feated, and an impudent robber dragged t& 
tile public gibbet. But in the other class of 
mankind, I own I es.pe«ted to meet the Duke 
of Grafton. Men who had any regard for jus- 
tice, nor any sense of honour, seem-as heartily 
pleased with Sir James Lowther's- well de- 
served punishment, as if it did not constitute 
an example against theaaselv^s. The unhappy 
baronet has no friends, even among those who 
resemble him. You, my lord,, are not reduced 
to so deplorable a state of dereliction ; every 
villain in the kingdom is your friend ; and in 
compliment to such aisity, I think you should 
suffer your dismal countenance- to clear up. 
Besides, my Lord, I am a little anxious fbr the 
consistency of your character. You violate 
your own rules of decorum> when you do not 
insult the man you have betrayed. 

The- divine justice of retribution seems now 
to have- begun its progress. Deliberate trea- 
chery entails punishment upon the traitor. 
There is no possibility of escaping it, even in-' 
the highest rank to which the consent of so- 
ciety can exalt the raeanestand- worst of men. 
The forced, unnatural union of Luttrell and 
Middlesex was an omen of another unnatural 
union, by which indefeasible infamy is attach- 
ed to the house of Bi'unswick. If one of those 
acts was virtuous and honourable, the best of 
Princes, I thank God, is happily rewarded for 
it by the other. Your Grace, it has been said, 
had some share in recommending Colonel 
Luttrell to the King ; or was it only the gentle 
Bradshaw who made himself answerable for 
the good behaviour of his friend ? An intimate 
connection haslono; subsisted between him and 



the worthy Lord Irnham. It arose from a for- 
tunate similarity of principles, c^^meiited by 
the constant mediation of tiieir commou 
friend, Miss Davis* 

* There is a certain family in this conntry, on 
■which nature seems to have entailed an hereditary 
haseness of disposition. As Air as their history has 
heen knov/n, the son has regularly improved upon 
the vites of his father, and lias taken care to trans- 
rait them pure and inidiuiinished into t!)e bosonj 
of his successor, hi the Senate, their abilities have 
confined them to those humble, sordid services iij 
Tvhich the scavengers of the Ministry are usually 
employed. But in the memoirs of private treacii- 
ery, they stand first and_ unrivalled. The follow- 
ing .«tory will serve to illustrate the character of 
tins respectable family, and to convince the world 
that the present possessor has as clear a title to 
the infamy of his ancestors, as lie has to their es- 
tate, it deserves to be recorded, for the curiosity 
of tiie fact, and should be given to the public as a 
warning to every honest member of society. 

The present Lord Irnham, who is now in'thede- 
cline of life, lately cultivated the acquaintance of 
a younger brother of a family with which he had 
lived in some degree of intimacy, and friendship. 
The young man had long been the dupe of a most 
unhappy attachment to a common prostitute. His 
friends and_ relations foresaw the consequences oi' 
this connection, and did every thing that depended 
upon them to save him from ruin. But he had .i 
friend in Lord Irnham, whose advice rendered a!} 
their endeavours ineflectual. This hoary lelclier, 
not contented with the enjoyment of his friend's 
mistress, was base enough to take advantage of the 
passions and folly of the young man, and persuad- 
ed him to marry her. He descended even to per- 
form the office of father to the prostitute. He gave 
her to his friend, who was on the point of leaving 
the kingdom, and the next night lay with her him- 
self. 

Whether the depravity of the human heart can 
produce any thing more base and detestable than 
►this fact, must be left undetermined, until the son 
shall arrive at his lather^s age and experience. 



340 JUNIUS. 

Yet I confess I should be sorry that the op. 
probrious infamy of this match should reach 
beyond the family. We have now a better 
reason than ever to pray for the long life of 
the best of Princes, and the welfare of his 
royal isme. I will not mix any thing ominous 
with my prayers ; but let Parliament look to 
it. A Luttrell shall never succeed to the Crown 
of England. If (he hereditary virtues of the 
family deserve a kingdom, Scotland will be a 
proper retreat for them. 

The next is a most remarkable instance of 
the goodness of Providence. The just law of 
retaliation has at last overtaken the little con- 
temptible tyrant of llie North. To this son- 
in-law of your dearest friend, the Earl of Bute, 
you meant to transfer the Duke of Portland's 
property ; and you hastened the grant with 
an expedition unknown to the Treasury, that 
he might have it time enough to give a deci- 
sive turn to the election for the county. The 
immediate consequence of this flagitious rob- 
bery was, that he lost the election which you 
meant to insure him, and with such signal cir- 
cumstances of scorn, reproach, and insult (to 
say nothing of the general exultation of all 
parties) as (excepting the King's brother-in- 
law, Colonel Luttrell, and old Simon, his fa- 
ther-in-law) hardly ever fell upon a gentleman 
in this country. In the event, he loses the 
very property of which he thought he had got- 
ten possession, and after an expense which 
would have paid the value of the land in ques- 
tion twenty times over. The forms of villany, 
you see, are necessary to its success. Here- 
after you will act with greater circumspec- 
tion, and not drive so directly to your object. 
To snatch a grace beyond the reach of com- 
mon treachery, is an exception, not a rule. 

And now, my good Lord, does not your 



JUNIUS. 341 

conscious heart inform you, that the justice 
of retribution begins to operate, and that it 
may soon approach your person ? Do you 
think that Junius has renounced the Middle- 
sex election ? or that the King's timber shall 
be refused to the Royal JNavy with impunity? 
or that you shall hear no more of tlie sale of 
that patent to Mr. Hine, which you endea- 
voured to screen, by suddenly dropping your 
prosecution of Samuel Vaughan, when the 
rule against him was made absolute ? I be- 
lieve, indeed, there never was such an instance 
in all the history of negative impudence. But it 
shall not save you. The very sunshine you 
live in is a prelude to your dissolution. When 
you are ripe, you shall be plucked. 

JUNIUS. 

P. S. I beg you will convey to your Gra- 
cious Master my humble congratulations upon 
the glorious success of peerages and pensions 
so lavishly distributed as the rewards of Irish 
virtue. 



LETTER LXVIII. 

To Lord Chief Justice Mansfield. 

January 21, 1772. 

I HAVE undertaken to prove, that when, at 
the intercession of three of your countrymen, 
you bailed Johii Erye, you did that which by 
Icnv you were not warranted to do : and that a 
felon, under the circumstances of being taken 
in the fact, with the stolen goods upon him, and 
making no defence, is not bailable by the laws 
of England. Your learned advocates have 
interpreted this charge into a denial, that the 



342 JUt^IUS, 

Court of King's Bench, or the Judges of that 
Court, during the vexation, have any greater 
authority to bail for criminal offences than a 
justice of peace. With the instance before 
me, I am supposed to question your power of 
doing wrong, and to deny the existence of a 
power, at the same moment that 1 arraign the 
illegal exercise of it. But the opinions of such 
men, whether wilful in their malignity, or sin- 
cere in their ignorance, are unworthy of my 
notice. You, Lord Manslield, did not under- 
stand me so : and I promise you, your cause 
requires an abler defence. I am now to make 
good my charge against you. However dull 
iny argument, the subject of it is interesting. 
1 shall be honoured with the attention of the 
public, and have a right to demand the atten- 
tion of tlie legislature. Supported as I am, 
by the whole body of the criminal law of Eng- 
land , I have no doubt of establishing my charge. 
If, on your part, you shall have no plain sub- 
stantial defence, but should endeavour to shel- 
ter yourself under the quirk and evasion of a 
practising lawyer, or under the mere insulting 
assertion of power, without right, the reputa- 
tion you pretend to is gone for ever ; you 
stand degraded from the respect and authority 
of your office, and are no longer, de jure., 
Lord Chief Justice of England. 

This letter, my Lord, is addressed not so 
much to you as to the public. Learned as you 
are, and quick in apprehension, few argu- 
ments are necessary to satisfy you, that you 
have done that, which, by law, you were not 
warranted to do. Your conscience already 
tells you, that you have sinned against know- 
ledge, and that, whatever defence you make, 
contradicts your own internal conviction. But 
other men are willing enough to take the law 
upon trust. They rely upon your authority.^, 



JUxNlUS. 343 

..'ccaiise they are too indolent (o search forin- 
fonnation ; or, conceiving that (here is some 
mystery in the laws of iheir country, which 
lawyers are only qualified to explain, they dis- 
trust then* judgment, and voluntarily renounce 
the right of thinking for themselves. With all 
the evidence of history before them, from 
Tresilinn to Jefferies-, from Jefferies io Mans- 
field, they will not believe it possible, that a 
learned judge can act in direct contradiction 
to those laws, which he is supposed to 
make the study of his life, and which he has 
sworn to administer faithfully. Superstition 
is certainly not the chararteristic of this age; 
yet some men are bigotted in politics, who are 
Infidels in religion. I do not despair of ma- 
king them ashamed of their credulity. 

The charge I brought against yoa is express- 
ed in terms guarded and well considered. 
They do not deny the strict power of the 
Judes of the Court' of King's Bench to bail in 
cases not bailable by a justice of peace, nor 
repiivisable by the common writ, ovexofficioy 
^by the Sheriff. I well know the practice ot' 
the Court, and by what legal rules it ought to 
be directed. But, far from meaning to soften 
or diminish the force of those terms I have 
made use of, 1 now go beyond them and affirm. 

1 . That the superior power of bailing for 
•felony, claimed by the Court of King's Bench, 
is founded upon the opinion of lawyers, and 
the practice of the Court ; that the assent of 
the legislature to this power is merely nega- 
tive, and that it is not sui)ported by any posi- 
tive provision in any statute whatsoever. If 
it be, produce the statute. 

2. Admitting that the judges of the Court 
of King's Bench are vested with a discretion- 
ary power to examine and judge of circjwn- 
.stances and allegations wliich a justice of peace 



344 JUNIUS. 

is not permitted to consider, I affirm that the 
judges, in the use and application of that dis- 
cretionary power, are as striclly bound by the 
spirit, intent and meaning, as the justice of 
peace is by the words of the legislature. Fa- 
vourable circumstances, alleged before the 
judge, may justify a doubt whether the prison- 
er be guilty or not ; and where the guilt is 
doubtful, a presumption of innocence should 
in general be admitted. But, when any such 
probable circumstances are alleged, they al- 
ter the state and condition of the prisoner. He 
is no longer that all-hut convicted felon, whom 
the ^aw intends, and who by law is not baila- 
ble at all. If no circumstances Avhatever are 
alleged in his favour ; if no allegation whatso- 
ever be made to lessen the force of that evi- 
dence which the law annexes to a positive 
charge of felony, and particularly to the fact 
of being taken with the manor ; I then say, that 
the Lord Chief Justice of England has no more 
right to bail him than a justice of peace. The 
discretion of an English judge is not of mere 
will and pleasure ; it is not arbitrary ; it is not 
capricious : but, as that great lawyer (whose 
authority I wish you respected half as much 
as I do) truly says,* " Discretion, taken as it 
ought to be, is discernere per legem quid sit jns- 
tum. If it be not directed by the right line of 
the law, it is a crooked cord, and appeareth to 
lie unlawful." If discretion were arbitrary in 
the judge, he might introduce whatever 
novelties he thought proper. But, says my 
Xord Coke, " Novelties, without warrant of 
precedents, are to be allowed; some cer- 
tain rules are not to be followed : Quicguid 
jndicis aucioritati subjicitnr, novitali nan sub- 
jicitur/^ and this sound doctrine is applied to 
the star chamber, a court confessedly arbi- 

* Inst. 41, 66. 



* JUNIUS. 345 

trary. If you will abide by the aulhorily of 
this great man, you siiall liave all the advan- 
tage of iiis opinion, whenever it appears to 
favour you. Excepting the plain, express 
meaning of tiie legislature, to which al! pri- 
vate opinions must "give way, I desire no bet- 
ter judge between us than Lord Coke. 

3. I atfirm, that, according to the obvious, 
indisputable meaning of the legislature, re- 
peatedly expressed, a person positively charg- 
ed with feloniously stealing, and lakeu injla- 
grante. deliclo., with the stolen goods upon liim, 
is not bailable. The law considers him as dif- 
fering in nothing from a convict, but in the 
form of conviction ; and (whatever a corrupt 
judge may do) will accept of no security, but 
the conlinemeut of his body within four walls. 
I know it has been alleged, in your favour, 
that you have often bailed for murders, rapes 
and otlier manifest crimes. Without question- 
ing the fact, I shall not admit that you are to 
be jusliiied by your own example. If that were 
a protection to you, where is the crime, that, 
as a judge, you might not now securely com- 
mit.^ But neitlier shall I sufler myself to be 
drawn aside from ray present argument, nor 
you to profit by your own wrong. To pro\e 
the meanijjg and intent of the legislature, will 
require a minute and tedious deduction. To 
investigate a question of law, demands some 
labour and attention, though very little genius 
or sagaci'y. As a practical profession, tlie 
study of the law requires but a moderate por- 
tion of abilities. The learning of a pleader is 
usually upon a level with his integrity. The 
indiscriminate defence of right and wrong con- 
tracts the understanding, while it corrupts the 
heart. Subtlety is soon mistaken for wisdom, 
, nnd imi)urity for virtue. If there be any in- 
stances upon record (as some there are un- 
Q 2 



346 JUNIUS. 

doubtedly,' of genius antl morality united in a 
lawyer) they are distinguished by their singu- 
larity, and operate as exceptions. ^ 

I must solicit the patience of my readers. 
Tills is no light matter ; nor is it any more 
susceptible of ornament, than the conduct of 
Lord Mansfield is capable of aggravation. 

As the law of bail, in charges of felony, has 
been .xctly ascertained by acts of the legis- 
iatur. , it is at present of little consequence to 
inquire how it stood at common law before 
ike statute of Westminster. And yet it is 
wortli the reader's attention to observe, how 
nearly, in the ideas of our ancestors, the cir- 
cumstance of being taken v/ith the maner ap- 
proaclied to t!ie conviction* of the felon. It 
*' lixed the authoritative stamp of verisimili- 
?;ude wpon the accusation: and, by the com- 
saon law, whei5 a thief was taken with the 
mnmr; that is, with the things stolen upon 
liim inmanu, he might, so detected, y/agran/e 
'delicla, be brought into court, arraigned, and 
tried, without indictment; as, by the JDanish 
law, he might be taken and hanged on the 
^f>ot, without accusation or trial." it will soon 
appear that our statute in law, in this behalf, 
though less summary in point of proceeding, 
is directed by the same spirit. In one instance, 
the very form is adhered to. In offences i-e- 
lating to the forest, if a man was taken with 
vert, or venison,! it was declared to be equiva- 
k=j>t to indictment. To enable the reader to 
judge for himself, I sliall state, in due order, 
the several statutes relative to bail in criminal 
cases, or as much of them as may be material 
to the point in question, omitting superfluous 
words. If I misrepresent, or do not quote with 
iidelity, it wil3 not be difficult to detect me. 

* Blackstone, iv. 3G3. 
■ f Ed, ill, cap, S— and 7 Rich, IL cop. 4. 



JUNIUS. 347 

• The statute of Wesi minster the first, in 
1275, sets forth, that *' Forasmuch as sherifls 
and others, who have taken and kept in pri- 
son, persons detected of feiony and inconti- 
nent, have let out by replevin such as were 
nifl replevisable because they would gain of the 
®ne party, and grieve the other ; and foras- 
much as, before this time, it was not deter* 
mined which persons were replevisable, and 
which not ; it is provided, and by the King 
commanded, that such prisoners, &c, as be 
taken with the maner, &c. or for manifest of- 
fence, shall be in no wise replevisable by the 
common writ, nor without writ." Lord Coke,t 
in his exposition of tlie last part of this quota- 
tion, accurately distinguishes between replevy, 
by the common writ, or ex officio-, and bail by 
the King's Bench. Tbe words of the statute 
certainly do not extend to the judges of that 
Court. But, besides that, the reader will soon 
find reason to think that the legislature, in 
their intention, made no ditterence between 
bailable and replevisable. Lord Coke himself, 
if he be understood to mean nothing but an 
exposition of the statute of Westminster, and 
not to state the law generally, does not ad- 
here to his own distinction. In expounding 
the other offences, which, by this statute, are 
declared not rrplcvisablcj he constantly uses 

■- Videtur que le sfettute de mainprise rCest que 
rehersal del comen ley ''' Bro. Main p. 61 .^ 

] " There are three points to be considered ia 
the construction of all remedial statutes; the old 
law, the mischief, and the remedy ; that is, how 
the common law, stood at the making of the act; 
what the mii^chief was for which the common law 
did not provide ; and what remedy the Parliament 
hatli provided to cure this raiscliief. It is the bu- 
siness of the judges so to construe the act, as to 
suppress the mi:-chief, and advance the remedy." 
—Bkckstone, i. 87. 



348 JUNIUS. 

the words not bailable. " That outlaws, for in- 
stance, are not bailable at law : that persona 
who have abjured the realm, are attained upon 
their own confession, and therefore not baila- 
ble at all by law : that proversarenot&aiZa&Ze, 
that notorious felons are not bailable.'' The 
reason why the superior courts were not na- 
med in the statute of Westminster, was plainly 
this, " because anciently most of the business 
touching bailment of prisoners for felony or 
misdemeanors, was performed by the sheriffs, 
or special bailiffs of liberties, either by writ, 
or virtute oJ^c«;"* consequently the superior 
court had little or no opportunity to commit 
those abuses which the statute imputes to the 
sheriffs. With submission to Dr. Blackstone, 
I think he has fallen into a contradiction, 
which, in terms at least, appears irreconcila- 
ble. After enumerating several offences not 
bailable, he asserts, without any condition or 
limitation whatsoever,! " All these are clearly 
not admissible to bail." Yet, in a few lines 
after he says, " It is agreed that the Court of 
King's Bench rnay bail for any crFme whatso- 
ever, according io the circumstances of the case." 
To his first proposition, he should have added, 
hy Sherijfs or Justices; otherwise the two pro- 
positions contradict each other : with this dif- 
ference, however, that the first is absolute, the 
second limited by a consideration of circum- 
stances. I say this, without the least intended 
disrespect to the learned author. His work is 
of public utility, and should not hastily be con- 
demned. 

The statute of 17 Richard I J. cap. 10, 1393, 
sets forth, that " Forasmuch as thieves, noto- 
riously defamed, and others taken ivith the ma- 
ner, by their long abiding in prison, were de- 
livered by charters and favourable inquests 

* 2 Hale, P. C. 128, 136. f Blackstone, iv. 296. 



JUMUS. 349 

procured, to the great hindrance of the peo- 
ple^ two men of law shall be assigned, in eve- 
ry commission of peace, to proceed to the de- 
liverance of such felons," k.c. It seems, by 
this act, that there was a constant struggle be- 
tween the legislature and llic officers of jus- 
tice. Not daring to admit felons taken wUh 
the mancr to bail or mainprise, they evaded 
the law, by keeping the party in prison a long 
time, and then delivering him without due 
trial. 

The statute of 1 Richard IH, in 14S3, sets 
forth, that " Forasmuch as divers persons have 
been daily arrested and imprisoned for suspi- 
(ion of felony, sometime of malice, and some- 
time of a light suspiciouy and so kept in prison 
without bail or mainprise; be it ordained, 
that every justice of peace shall have author- 
ity, by his discretion, to let such prisoners and 
persons so arrested to bail or mainprise." By 
this act, it appears that there had been abuses 
ir. matter of im.prisonment, and that the legis- 
lature meant to provide for the immediate en- 
largement of persons arrested on light suspi- 
cion of felony. 

The statute of 3 Henry VH. in 1486, de- 
clares, that under colour of the preceding act 
of Richard the Third, <' Persons, such as were 
not mainpernable, were oftentimes let to bail 
or mainprise by justices of the peace, wiiere- 
by many murderers and felons escaped : the 
King, fcc. hath ordained, that the justices of 
the peace, or two of them at least (whereof 
one to be of the quorum) have authority to let 
any such prisoners or persons, mainpernable 
by' the law, to bail or mainprise." 

The statute of 1 and 2 of Philip and Mary, 
in 1554, sets forth, that, " Notwithstanding the 
preceding statute of Henry the Seventh, one 
justice of peace hath oftentimes, by sinister 



350 JUNIUS. 

labour and means, set at large the greatest and 
nobtalest offenders, such as be not repkvisable by 
the laws of this realm ; and yet, the rather to 
hide their affections in that behalf, have as- 
signed the cause of their apprehension to be 
but only for suspicion of felony, whereby the 
said offenders have escaped unpunished, and 
do daily, to the high displeasure of Almighty 
God, the great peril of the King and Queen's 
true subjects, and encouragement of all thieves 
and evil-doers : for reformation whereof, be 
it enacted, that no justices of peace shall let 
to bail or mainprise any such persons, which 
for any offence by them committed, be declar- 
ed not to be rcplcvisable, or bailed, or be for- 
bidden to he replevised or balled, hy the statute 
of Westminster the first ; and furthermore, 
that any persons arrested for manslaughter or 
felony, being bailable, hy the law, shall not be 
Jet to bail or mainprise by any justices of the 
peace, but in the form therein after prescrib- 
ed." In the two proceeding statutes, the words 
bailable, replerisable, and mainpernable, are 
used synonimously,'" or promiscuously, to ex- 
press tlie same single intention of the legisla- 
ture, viz. not to accept of any security but the 
body of the offender : and when the Tatter sta- 
tute prescribes the form in which persons ar- 
rested on suspicion of felony, (being bailable 
hy the law) may be let to bail, it evidently sup- 
poses that there are some cases not bailable 
by the law. It may be thought, periiaps, that 
I attribute to the legislature an appearance of 
inaccuracy in the use of terms merely to serve 
my present purpose. But, in truth, it would 
make more forcibly for my argument, to pre- 
sume, that the legislature were constantly 
aware of the strict legal distinction between 
bail and replevy, and that they always meant 

^ 2 .HoZe, P. C. ii. 124. 



JUNIUS. 2ol 

lo adiiere to it* For if it be true that replevy 
is by the sheriff, and bail by the higher courts 
at Westminster, (which 1 think no lawyer will 
deny) it follows, that when the legislature ex- 
jM"essly say, that any particular offence is by 
law not bailable, the superior courts are com- 
prehended in the prohibition, and bound by it. 
Otiierwise, unless there was a positive excep- 
tion of the superior courts (which I affirm 
there never was in any statute relative to bail) 
tlie legislature would grossly contradict them- 
selves, and the manifest intention of the law 
be evaded. It is an established rule, that, when 
the law is special, and reason of it general, it 
is to be generally understood : and though by 
custom a latitude be allowed to the Court of 
King's Bench (to consider circumstances in- 
ductive of a doubt, whether the prisoner be 
guilty or innocent) if this latitude be taken as 
an arbitrary power to bail, when no circum- 
stances whatsoever are alleged in favour of 
the prisoner, it is a power without right, and 
a daring violation of the whole English law 
ef bail. 

The act of the olst of Charles the Second 
j(comnaonly called the Habeas Corpus Jict) 
particulariy declares, that it is not meant to 
extend to treason or felony, plainly and spe- 
cially expressed in the warrant of commit- 
ment. The prisoner is therefore left to seek 
his Habeas Corpus at common law : and so far 
was the legislature from supposing that per- 
sons (committed for treason or felony, plainly 
and specially expressed in the warrant of com- 
mitment) could be let to bail by a single judge, 
or by the whole court, that this very act pro- 

* Fide 2d Inst. 150, 186, " The word rtpUvisabh 
never siguifies /m/a6/e. Bailable is, in a court of 
record, by the Kinz's Justices ; but rephvisable is 
by the Sheriif.*' ^Wen, State Trials, vii. 149. 



852 JUNIUS. 

vides a remedy for such persons, in case they 
are not indicted in the course of the term or 
session subsequent to their commitment. The 
law neither suffers them to be enlarged before 
trial, nor to be imprisoned after the time in 
which they ought regularly to be tried. In this 
case the law says, " It shall and may be law- 
ful to and for the judges of the Court of King's 
Bench, and justices of oyer and terminer, or 
general gaol delivery, and they are hereby re- 
quired, upon motion made to them in open 
court, the last day of the term, session, or 
gaol delivery, either by the prisoner or any 
oue in his behalf, to set at lil.erty the prisoner 
upon bail, unless it appear to the judges and 
justices, upon oath made, that the witnesses 
for the King could not be produced the same 
term, session, or gaol delivery." Upon the 
whole of this article I observe, 1. That the 
provision made in the first part of it would be, 
in a great measure, useless and nugatory, if 
any single judge might have bailed the pri- 
soner ex arbitrio, during the vacation ; or if 
the court might have bailed him immediately 
after the commencement of the term or ses- 
sion. 2. When the law says, It shall and may 
be lawful to bail for felony under particular 
circumstances, we must presume, that, before 
the passing of that act, it was not lawful to 
bail under those circumstances. The terms 
used by the legislature are enacting not decla- 
ratory. 3. Notwithstanding the party may have 
been imprisoned during the greatest part of 
the vacation, and during the whole session, 
the court are expressly forbidden to bail Wm, 
from that session to the next, if oath be made 
that the witnesses for the King could not be 
produced that same term or session. 

Having faitfuUy stated the several acts of 
Parliament relative to bail in criminal cases, 



JUiMUS. 35a 

it may be useful to the reader to take a short 
>historical review of the hwvof bail, through its 
various gradations and improvements. 

By the ancient common law, before and 
since the conquest, all felonies were bailable, 
till murder was excepted by statute ; so that 
persons might be admitted to bail, before con- 
viction, almost in every case. The statute of 
Westminster says, that before that time, if. had 
not been determined which offences were re- 
plevisable, and which were not, whether by 
the common writ de hcpiine replegiando, or 
ex officio by the sheriff. It is very remarka- 
ble, that the abuses arising from this unlimited 
power of replevy, dreadful as they were, and 
destructive to the peace of society, were not 
corrected or taken notice of by the legisla- 
ture, until the Commons of the kingdom had 
obtained a share in it by their representa;ives; 
but the House of ('ommons had scarce begun 
to exist, when these formidable abuses were 
corrected by the statute of Westminster. It is 
highly probable that the mischief h.id been 
severely felt by the people, although no reme- 
dy had been provided for it by the Norman 
kings or barons. "The* iniquily of tiie times 
was so great, as it even forced the subjects to 
forego that, which was in account a great li- 
berty, to stop the course of a growing mis- 
chief." The preamble to the statutes made by 
the lirst Parliament of Edward the First, as- 
signs the reason of calling it,t ''because the 
peo|»le had been otherwise entreated than they 
ought to be, the peace less kept, tlie laws less 
used and offenders less punished than they ought 
to be, by reason whereof the people feared 
less to otFend ;" and the first attempt to reform 

* Selden, by N. Bacon, 182. 
f Parliamentary History, i, 8S. 



» '*, 



■354 .-irUNlUS. I 

the various abuses, was by contractrng t!n(^| 
power of replevying felons. | 

For above two centuries following, it do^f 
not appear that any alteration was made im 
the law of bail, except that bting taken mith. 
vtrt.-er venison was declared to be equivalent 
to indictment. The legislature adhered lirnily; 
to the spirit of the statute of Westminster, 
The statute of the .27 of Edward the First di- 
rects the justices of assize to inquire and pun- 
ish officers bailing such as were not bailable. 
As for the judges of the superior courts, it is 
probable that in those days they thought lliem- 
selves bound by the obvious intent and mean- 
ing of the legislature. They considered not 
so much to what particular persons the prohi- 
bition was addressed, as what the thing was 
which the legislature meant to prohibit ; well 
knowi ng that in ]aw, quanch aliquid prohibetur, 
frahibetui' et omne, per quod deveniturfid iUud. 
"When any thing is forbidden, all the means 
by which the same thing may be compassed! 
or done are equally forbidden." i[ 

By the statute of Richard the Third, lh6.' 
•power of bailing was a little enlarged : every, 
justice of the peace'was authorized to bail for 
felony ; but they Avere expressly confined to 
persons arrested on light suspicien : and even 
this power, so limited, was found to produce 
-such inconveniences, that in three years after i 
the legislature found it necessary to repeal it. 
Instead of trusting any longer to a single jus-j 
tice of peace, the act of 3 Henry VII. repeals; 
the preceeding act, and directs, " That no pri- 
soner (of those who are mainpernable by the 
IfO'w) shall be let to bail or mainprise by less 
■than /zt'o justices, whereof one to be of the 
quorum." 

And so indispensably necessary was this pro-* 
vision thought for Ahe admiuisti'atio.n of jus 



JUNIUS. ^a5 

tice, and for the security and peace of socie- 
•ly, that at this time an oath was proposed by 
the King, to be taken by the knights and es- 
fjuircs of his household, by the members of 
the House of Commons, and ])y the peers spi- 
ritual and temporal, and accepted and sworn 
to quasi U7ii voce by them all, which, among 
other engagements, binds them not to let any 
man to bail, or mainprise, "knowing and 
deeming him to be a felon, upon your honour 
and worship. So help you God and all 
saints."* 

In about half a century, however, even these 
provisions were found insufficient. The act 
of Henry the Seventh was evaded, and the 
legislature once more obliged to interpose. 
The act of 1 and 2 of Philip and Mary takes 
away entirely from the justices all power of 
bailing for offences declared not bailable by 
the statute of Westminster. 

The illegal imprisonment of several persons, 
who had refused to contribute to a loan enact- 
jgd by Charles the First, and the delay of the 
Habeas Corpus, and subsequent refusal to bail 
them, constituted one of the =6rst and most 
important grievances of that reign. Yet when 
the House of Commons which met in the year 
1(528, resolved upon measures of the most firm 
and strenuous resistance to the power of im- 
prisonment, assumed by the King or privy 
council, and to the refusal to bail the party on 
the return of the Habeas Corpus, they did ex- 
pressly, in all their resolutions, make an ex- 
ception of commitments, where the cause of 
the restraint was expressed, and did by law 
justify the commitment. The reason of the dis- 
tinction is, that whereas, when the cause of 
commitment is expressed, the crime is then 
Jknown, and the offender must be brought to 

* Parliamentary History, ii. 519. 



356 Jl>NIUS. 

the ordinary trial ; if, on the contrary, nQ 
cause of commitment be expressed, and thai 
prisoner be thereupon remanded, it may ope- 
rate to perpetual imprisonment. This contest 
with Charles the First produced the act of thej 
16th of that King ; by which the Court oi 
King's Bench are directed, within three days 
after the return to the Habeas Corpus, to exK 
amine and determine the legality of any com-i 
mitment by the King or privy council, to doi 
what in justice shall appertain, in delivering, 
bailing, or remandirg the prisoner. Now, it 
seems, it is unnecessary for the judge to do 
what appertains to justice. The same scanda- 
lous traffic, in which we had seen the privilege 
of Parliament exerted or relaxed, to gratify 
the present humour, or to serve the immediate 
purpose, of the Crown, is introduced into the 
administration of Justice. The magistrate, it 
seems, has now no rule to follow, but the dic- 
tates of personal enmity, national partiality, 
or perhaps the most prostituted corruption. 

To complete this historical inquiry, it only; 
remains to be observed, that the Habeas Corpus 
act of 31 of Charles the Second, so justly 
considered as another Magna Charta of the 
Kingdom, " extends"^ only to the case of com- 
mitments for such criminal charge as can pro- 
duce no inconvenience to public justice by a; 
temporary enlargement of the prisoner." Soi 
careful were the legislature,atthe very moment 
when they were providing for the liberty of thei 
subject, not to furnish any colour or pretence; 
for violating or evading the established law of 
bail in the higher criminal otfences. But thei 
exception, stated in the body of the act, puts 
the matter out of all doubt. After directing 
the judges how they are to proceed to the dis- 
charge of the prisoner upon recognisance and 

* Blackstone, iv. 137. 



JUNIUS. 357 

surety, having regard to the quality of the 
prisoner added, " unless it shaUappeiirto the 
said Lord Chancellor, kc. that the party so 
committed is detained tor such matters or of- 
fences, for the which, by the law, the prisoner 
is not bailable." 

When the laws, plain of themselves, are 
thus illustrated by facts, and their uniform 
meaning established by history, Ave do not 
want the authority of opinions, however res- 
pectable, to inform our judgment, or to con- 
lirm our belief. But I am determined, that 
you sliall have no escape. Authority of every 
sort shall be produced against you, from Ja- 
cob to Lord Coke, from the dictionary to the 
classic. In vam shall you appeal from those 
upright judges whom you disdain to imitate, 
to those whom you have made your example. 
With one voice they all condemn you. 

" To be taken with the maner, is, where a 
thief, having stolen any thing, is taken with 
the same about him, as it were in his hands, 
which is called /?agrff«/e delido. Such a crim- 
inal is not bailable by law" Jacob, under the 
word Maner. 

" Those who are taken with the maner are 
excluded by the slatute of Westminster, from 
the benciit of a replevin." — Hawkins, P. C. ii. 
98. 

" Of such henious offences, no one, wiio is 
notoriously guilty, seems to be bailable by the 
intent of the statute.'" — Dillo, ii. 99. 

" The common practice and allowed gene- 
ral rule is, that bail is only then proper, wliere 
it stands indifferent whether the party were 
guilty or innocent." — Ditto, ditto. 

"There is no doubt but that the bailing of 
a person, who is not bailable by laiv, is punish- 
able either at common law, as a negligent es- 
cape, or as an olFence against the several sta» 
tutes relative to h-d\l"-~ Ditto, S9. 



358 JUNIUS.. 

" It cannot be doubted, but that neither the: 
judges of this, norof any other superior court ^ 
o£ justice, are stricily within the purview of I 
that statute ; yet they will always, in theirr 
discretion, pay a due regard to it, and not ad- 
mit a person to bail who is expressly declared 1 
by it irreplevisable, witliout some particular 
circumstance in his favour : and, therefore, it i 
seems difficult to find an instance where per- • 
sons, attained of felony,, or notoriously guilty? 
of treason, or manslaughter, kc. by their own i 
confession, or oiherwise, have been admitted i 
to the benefit of bail, without some special 
motive to the court to grant it." — Ditto, 114. 

" If it appears that any man hath injury or 
wrong by his imprisonment, we have power 
to deliver and discharge him ; if otherwise, 
he is to be remanded by us to prison again.'' 
Lord Ch. J. Hyde, Slate Tnals, vii. 115; 

" The statute of Westminster w^as especially 
for direction to the sheriffs and others ; but to 
say courts of justice are excluded from this^ 
statute, I conceive it cannot be." — Attorney 
General Heath, ditt&i 132. 

" The court, upon view of the return, judg- 
eth of the sufficiency or insufficiency of it. 
If they think the prisoner in law to be baila- 
ble, he is committed to the Marshall, and bail- 
ed ; if not^ he is remanded." Through the 
whole debate, the objection on the part of the 
prisoners was, that no cause of commitment 
w^as expressed in the warrant ; but it was uni- 
formly admitted, by their counsel, that, if the 
cause of commitment had been expressed for 
treason or felony, the court would then have 
done right in remanding them. 

The attorney General having urged, before 
a committee of both Houses, that, in Beck- 
with's case, and others, the Lords of the Coun- 
cil sent a letter to the Court of King'&Bench to 



J-UNIUS. 3o&' 

oaii ; it-\vas replied, by ihe Managers of the 
Mouse of Commons, that this was of no mO' 
uicnt; '-for that either the prisoner was bail' 
ahlt bji Ihe laio or not- bailable. If bailable by 
tlie kiw, then he was to })c bailed without ajiy 
sufh letter; if not bailaljlc by the law, then 
j)lainly the judges could not have bailed him 
upon ihe letter, without breacii of their oath, 
niiicli is, l/iat Ihcy art tx> do jwtice acwi-din^- 
iQlhc law," 4?c. — State Trials, vii. 175. 

" So that in bailing upon suclv offenees of 
the highest nature, a kind of discretion, rather 
than a constant law, hath been exercised, 
when it stands icholly^indifcrtnt, in the eye 
of the court, whether the prisoner be guilty 
jornot."— 5'eWeii, 5^ Tr. vii. 230, 1. 
5 _ "I deny that a man is always bailable when 
; imprisonment is imposed upon him for custo- 
dy."— .-2//or;iC3/ General Heath, ditto, 238. 

By these quotations from the State Trials, 
though otherwise not of authority, it appears- 
j){ainiy, that in regard to bailcMe or not baila" 
blc, all parties agreed in admittiag one propo- 
sition as incontrovertible. 

" In relation to capital offences, there are 
; especially these acts of parliament that are the 
common landmarks* touching ottences baila- 
ble or not bailable." Hale, ii. P. C. 127. The 
enumeration includes the several acts cited in 
this paper, 

" Persons taken w^th the manouvre are not 
bailable, because it is furlum manifeslum:' 
Hale, ii. P. C. 133. 

" The writ of Habeas Carpus is of a iiigh 
nature ; for if persons be wrongfully commit- 
teit, tliey are to be discharged upon this writ 
returned ; or if bailable, they are to be bailed : 

* It has been the study of Lord Mansfield to 
remov'e lanchnaiks. 

V 



360 JUNIUS. 

if not ba'lable, they are to be committed.^' Flak 
ii. P. C. 143. This doctrine of Lord Chief i 
Justice Hale refers immediately to the supe- 
rior courts frora whence the writ issues. "Af- 
ter the return is filed, the court is either to > 
discharge, or bail, or commit him, as the na- 
ture of the case requires." Hale, ii P. C. 146. 

" If bail be granted otherwise than the law ■ 
alloiveth, the party that alloweth the same 
shall be fined, imprisoned, render damages, or 
forfeit his place, as the case shall require." 
Selden, by M Bacon, 182. 

" This induces an absolute necessity of ex- 
pressing, upon every commitment, the reason 
for which it is made ; that the court, upon a 
Habeas Corpus, may examine into its validity, 
and according to the circumstances of the case, 
may discharge, admit to bail or remand the 
prisoner." Blackstone, in. 133. 

" Marriot was committed for forging en- 
dorsements upon bank bills, and upon a Ha- 
beas Corpus was bailed, because the crime was 
only a great misdemeanor; for though the 
forging the bills be felony, yet forging the en- 
dorsement is not." Shalkeld, i. 104. 

" Appell de Mahem, &.c. ideo ne fuit lesse 
a bailie, nient plus que in appell de robbery 
ou murder; quod nota et que in robbery et 
murder le partie n'est bailable." Bro. Main- 
prise, 67. 

" The intendment of the law in bails is. 
Quod Stat indifferenter, whether he be guilty 
or no ; but when he i^ convicted by verdict 
or confession, then he must be deemed inlaw 
to be guilty of the felony, and therefore, not 
bailable at all." Coke, ii. Inst. 188. iv. 178. 

" Bail is quando stat indifferenter, and not 
when the offence is open and manifest." 2. 
Inst. 189." 

''- In this case non stat indifferenterf whether, 



JUNIUS. ^01 

he be guilty or no, being taken with the ma- 
ncr, that is, with the thing stolen, as it were, 
in his hand." Ditto, ditto. 

" If it appeareth that this imprisonment be 
just and lawful, he shall be remanded to the 
former gaoler; but if it shall appear to the 
court that he was imprisoned against the law 
of the land, they ought by force of this sta- 
tute, to deliver him ; if it be doubtful, and un- 
der consideration, he may be bailed," 2. 
Inst. 55. 

It is unnecessary to load the reader with any 
farther quotations. If these authorities are 
not deemed sufficient to establish the doctrine 
maintained in this paper, it will be in vain to ap- 
peal to the evidence of law books, or the opi- 
nions of judges. They are not the authorities 
by which Lord Mansfield will abide. He as- 
sumes an arbitrary power of doing right ; and 
if be does wrong, it lies only between God 
and his conscience. 

KoW) my Lord, although I have great faitli 
in the preceding argument, I will not say that 
every minute part of it is absolutely invulne*^ 
rable. I am too well acquainted with the 
practice of a certain court, directed by your 
example, as it is governed by your authority, 
to think that there ever yet was an argument, 
liowever conformable to law and reason, in 
which a cunning, quibbling attorney might 
not discover a flaw. But, taking the whole of 
it together, I affirm, that it constitutes a mass 
of demonstration, than which nothing more 
complete or satisfactory can be offered to the 
human mind. How an evasive, indirect reply 
will stand with your reputation, or how far it 
will answer in point of defence, at the bar of 
the House of Lords, is worth your considera- 
tion. If. after all that has been said, it should 
s'titf be maintained, that the Court of King's 
R 



mi JtfiNius. 

Bench, in bailing felons, are exempted from 
all legal rules whatsoever, and that the Judge 
has no direction to pursue, but his private af- 
fections, or mere unquestionable will and 
pleasure, it will follow plainly that the dis- 
tinction between bailable and not bailable, 
uniformly expressed by the legislature, cur- 
rent through all our law books, and admitted 
by ail our great lawyers, without exception, is, 
in one sense, a nugatory, in another, a perni- 
cious, distinction. It is nugatory as it suppo- 
ses a dittercnce in the bailable quality of of- 
fences, when, in elfect, the distinction refers 
only to the rank of the magistrate. It is per- 
nicious, OS it implies a rule of law^, which yet 
the judge is not bound to pay the least regard 
to ; and impresses an idea upon the minds of 
the people, that the judge is wiser and greater 
than the law. 

It remains only to apply the law, thus sla- 
ted, to the fact in question. By an authentic 
copy of the 7n//(fwnMS, it appears that John Eyre 
was committed forfelony, plainly and specially 
expressed in the warrant of commitment. He 
was charged before Alderman Halifax, by the 
oath of Thomas Fielding, William Holder, 
William Payne, and William Nash, for /e/oTi/- 
ously stealing eleven quires of writing paper, 
-vjdue six siiillings, the properly of Thomas 
Beach, &c. By the examinations upon oath 
of the four persons mentioned in the miltimuSf 
it was proved, that large quantities of paper 
had been missed ; and that eleven quires (pre- 
viously marked, from a suspicion that Eyre 
Was the thief) were found upon him, Many 
other quires of paper, marked in tlie same 
manner, were found at his lodgings; and af- 
ter he had been some time in VVood-street 
Compter, a key was found in his room there, 
which appeared to be a key to the closet at 



JUNIUS. 363 

Guildhall, from whence the paper was stolen. 
When asked what he had to say in his defence, 
liis only answer was, / hope you will bail me. 
Mr. Holder, the clerk, replied, That is impos- 
sible. There never was mi instance of it, what 
the stolen goods were found upon the thief. The 
Lord Mayor was (hen applied to, and refused 
to ball hira. Of all these circumstances, it 
was your duty to have informed yourself mi- 
nutely. The fact was remarkable ; and (he 
Chief Magistrate of the City of London, was 
known to have refused to bail the offender. 
To justify your compliance with the solicita- 
tions of your three counlrymen, it should be 
proved that such allegadons were offered to 
you in behalf of their associate, as honestly 
and feon«/rfe reduced it to a matter of doubt 
and indifference whether the prisoner was in- 
nocent or guilty. Was any thing offered by 
the Scotch triumvirate that tended to invali- 
date the positive charge made against him by 
four credible witnesses upon oath ? Was it 
even insinuated to you either by himself or 
his bail, that no felony was committed; or, 
that he was not the felon ; that the stolen 
goods were not found upon him ; or that ho 
was only the receiver, not knowing them to 
be stolen ? Or, in short, did they attempt to 
produce any evidence of his insanity. To aH 
these questions I answer for you, without the 
least fear of contradiction, positively. No. 
From the moment he was arrested he never 
entertained any hope of acquittal ; therefore, 
thought of nothing but obtaining bail, that he 
might have time to settle his affairs, convey 
his fortinie into another country, and spend 
the remainder of his life in comfort and af- 
fluence abroad. In (his prudential scheme of 
future happiness, the Lord Chief Justice of 
Eiigla^nd mast I'eadily and heartily concurred. 



364 JJUi^IU:?. 

At sight of so much virtue in distress, your 
natural benevolence, took the alarm. Such a 
man as Mr. Eyre, struggling with adversity, 
must always be an interesting scene to Lord 
Mansfield. Or was it that liberal anxiely, by 
which your wliole life has been distinguished, 
to enlarge the liberty of the subject .'' My 
Lord, v.e did not want this new instance of 
the liberality of your principles. We already 
knew what kind of subjects they were for 
whose liberty you were anxious. At all events, 
the public are much indebted to you for fixing 
a, price, at which felony may be committed 
with impunity. 

Ymi bound a felon notoriously worth £30,000 
in the sum of £300. With your natural turn 
to equity, and knowing, as you are, in the doC' 
trine of precedents, you undoubtedly meant 
to settle the proportion between the fortune 
of the felon and the fine by which he may 
compound for his felony The ratio now upon 
record, and transmitted to posterity under the 
auspices of Lord Mansfield, is exactly one to 
an hundred. My Lord, without intending it, 
you have laid a cruel restraint upon the ge- 
nius of your countrymen. In the warmest 
indulgence of their passions, they have an 
eye to the expense ! and if their other virtues 
fail us, we have a resource in their economy. 
By taking so trifling a security from Jolni 
Eyre, you invited, aiid manifestly exhorted 
liira to escape- Although in bailable cases it 
be usual to take four securities, you left him 
in the custody of three Scotchmen, whom he 
might have easily satisfied for conniving at his 
retreat. That he did not make use of the op- 
portunity you industriously gave hlni, neither 
justifies your conduct, nor can it be any way 
accounted for, but by his excessive and mon- 
strous avarice. Any other man, but this bo-. 



.UJ??IUS. or.. 

som fiiend of three Scotclimen, would j^^lailly 
have sacrificcf] ;i lew liundred pounds, lalheV 
than submit to the infamy of pleading gui!<v 
in open court. It is possii)le indeed (hat he 
might iiave llattered himself, and not unrcui- 
.^onably, with th.e hopes of a pardon. That 
lie woidd have been pardoned, seems mete 
tiian probable, if I had not directed the pub!:*- 
atlention to the leading step yon took in fa- 
vour of him. in the present gentle reign, v:g 
weil know what use has been made of the 
lenity of the court, and of the mercy of tlu- 
Crown 'i'he Lord Chief Justice of Enghuid 
.iCfcplK of the hundredth part of the propci-t^- 
of a feion, taken in the fact, as a rccognizaiicr 
for liis appearance. Your brother Smyihr 
browbeats a jury, and forces them to alu?i' 
their verdict, by which they 'had found a 
Bcotcli sergeant guilty of mnrder ; and though 
the Kennedies were convicted of a most (\c 
}ii)eraie and atrocious miu'drr, th1^y still had a 
claim to the royal m*;rcy. They ^vei^e ravc!: 
l)y the chastity of they- cor.nections. 'JIk \ 
had a sister, yet it was not lier beauty, l-tJt !li<> 
).!iancy of licj* virtue, that reconirnend her t'V 
tiic King. 

Th.e holy aullior of our icligioii woi sreH^'iii 
the company of siiiuers ; !•utit^vas his girv 
clous j)!Jrpose to convert tiieuj fiom their sin ■. 
Another man, who in t!io cerciiionies t^f ot; 
fai'iii, uiigiit give le.s;-ons to the great enenr,' 
of it, upon diiferciit principles, !:eeps inuc:-' 
the same company. He advertises for patients, 
colitu'ts all (he diseases of the iiCnrt, and turn.- 
a royal palace into an hospital for Jncurabi.-:-. 
A man of honom- has jio ticket of admissioji 
at St. .James's. They rc'ccive him like'n virgin 
at the Magdalen's ; Go ihou and do likeivisii. 

IVIy charge against you is now made good. 
I shall, howevcrj be ready to iin"wer or to sul- 
R 2 



3ot> JUNIUS. 

mit to fair objections. If, whenever this mat- 
ter shall be agitated, yon suffer the doors of 
the House of Lords to be shut, I now protest, 
that I shall consider you as iiaving made no' 
repl}'. From that moment, in the opinion of 
the world, 5^ou avIII stand self convicted. 
Whether your reply be quibbling or evasive, 
or liberal and in point, will be matter for (he 
judgment of your peers ; but if, when every 
))Ossible idea of disrespect to that noble House 
(in whose hono'ir and justice the nation im-. 
plicity confides) is here most solemnly dis^ 
claimed, you should endeavour to represent 
this charge as a contempt of their authority, 
and move their lordships to censure the pub-, 
lisher of this paper, I tlien affirm, that you 
support injustice by violence, that you are 
guilty of a heinous aggravation of your oUence, 
jvnd that you contribute your utmost influ^ 
once to promote, on the part of the highest 
court of judicature, >x positive denial of jus^ 
tice to the nation. JUiSiUS, 



lett:er lxix. 

To the Right ffo,n. Lord Camden. 

Mv Lord, 

I TURrr with pleasure from that barren waste 
in which no salutary plant lakes root, no ver- 
dure quickens, to a character fertile, as I wil- 
lingly !)elieve, in every great and good quali- 
fication. 1 call upon you, in the name of the 
English nation, to stand forth in defence of 
the laws of your country, and to exert, in the , 
cause of truth and justice, those great abilit 
t!03j \yiUi whichj you were intrusted fof th§ 



JITI^IUS. 367 

benefit of mankind. To ascertain tlie facts 
set forth in the precedini^ paper, it may be 
necessary to call the perrons mentioned in the 
fuitlinms to the bar of tiie House of Lords. If a 
motion for that purpose should be Fejecledjwe 
shall know what to think of Lord Mansfield's 
innocence The legal argument is submitted to 
your Lordship's judgment. After the noble 
stand yon made against Lord Mansfield, upon 
the question of libel, we did expect that you 
would not have suftered that matter to have 
remained undetermined. But it was said that 
Lord Chief Justice Wilmot had been prevailed 
npon to vouch for an opinion of the late Judge 
Yates, which was supposed to make against 
you ; and we admit of the excuse. When such 
detestable arts are employed to prejudge a 
question of right, it might have been impru- 
dent at that time to have brought it to a deci- 
sion. In the present instance, you will have 
no such opposition to contend with. If there 
be a judge or a lav»'yer, of any note in West- 
minster-hall, who shall be daring enough to 
affirm that, according to the true intendment 
of the laws of England, a felon, taken with 
the mailer in flag;rante (kliclo, is bailable, or 
that the discretion of an English judge is mere- 
ly arbitrary, and not governed by rules of law, 
I should be glad to be acquaititcd with him. 
Whoever he be, I will take care tliat he shall 
not give you much trouble. Your Lordship's 
character assures me that you will assume that 
principal part, which belongs to you, in sup- 
porting the laws of England against a wicked 
judge, who makes it the occupation of his life 
to misinterpret and pervert them. If you de- 
cline this honourable office, I fear it will be 
said, that, for some months past, you have 
kept too much company w^ith the Duke of 
(Sraftoa. When the contest turns upon the 



3(53 JLMUS. 

interpretation of the laws, you cannot, Avith- 
out a formal surrender of all your reputation 
yield the post of honour even to Lord Chat- 
ham. Considering the situation and abilities 
of Lord Manslield, I do not scruple to affirm, 
Avith the most solemn appeal to God for my 
sincerity, that, in my judgment, he is the very 
Avorst and most dangerous man in the kingr 
dom. Thus far I have done my duty in en- 
deavouring to bring him to punishment. But 
mine is an inferior ministerial office in the 
temple of justice ; I have bound the victim, 
and dragged him to the altar. 

JUjXIUS. 



The Reverend Mr. .Tolm Home having, 
with his usual veracily, and honest iudusiry, 
circulated a report that Junius, in a letter lo 
the Supporters of tlie Bill of Rights had warin- 
iy declared himself in favour of long pa]Iia- 
ments and rotten borouglis, it is thought ne? 
cessary to submit to the public the folloAving 
extract froni his letter to John Wilkes, Esq. 
dated the 7fh of September, 1771, and laid 
before the Society on the 24ta of the same 
month : 

" With regard to the several articles, takrn 
separately, l own I am concerned to st-c 
that the great condition v/hich ought to be the 
si7ie qua ') ion of parliamentary (|ualilicatIon, 
which ought to be the basis (as it assuredly 
will be the only support) of every barrier raid- 
ed in defence of the constitution, (I mean a 
declaralion upon oath to shorlen the durallon of 
parliaments) is reduced to the fourth rank in 
the esteem of the society ; and even in that 
place, far fron> being insisted on Avith firmness 
and vehemence, seems to have been parlicu- 



JUiMLS. 3(59 

iarly slighted in the expression, You shall en- 
^ deavour to restare annual parliaments. Are 
these the terms which men who are in earnest 
make use of, when the mlus rcpublicce is at 
stake? I expected other language from Mr. 
Wy kes. Besi<les my objection in point of form , 
1 disapprove highly of the meaning of the 
fourth article as it stands. Whenever tlie ques- 
tion shall be seriously agitated, I will cjidea- 
vour (and if I live, will assuredly attempt il) 
to convince the English nation by arguments, 
to my understanding unanswerable, that they 
ought to insist upon a triennial, and banish the 
idea of an annual parliament I am con- 
vinced, that if shorteningthe duration of par- 
liaments (vvhicli, in eiiect, is keeping the re- 
presentative under the rod of the constituent) 
be not made the basis of our new parliament- 
ary jurisprudence, other checks or improve- 
ments signify notliing. On the contrary, if this 
be made the foundation, other measures may 
come in ai<], and, as auxiliaries, be of con- 
siderable advantage. Lord Chatham's pro- 
ject, for instance, of increasing the number 
of knights of shires, appears to be admirable. 

As to cutting away liie rotten boroughs, 

I am as much offended as any man at seeinf 
so many of them under the'direct influence 
of the Crown, or at the disposal of private 
persons. Yet I own, I have both doubts and 
apprehensions in regard to tlie remedy you 
propose. I shall be cl>-,rged, perhaps, with 
an unusual want of political intrepidity, when 
1 honestly confess to yon, that I an/startled 
at the idea of so extensive an amputation. In 
, the first place, I question the power, de jure, 
of the legislature to disfranchise a number of 
boroughs upon the general ground of impro- 
ving the constitution. There cannot be a 
rdoctrine more fatal to the liberty and pro- 



S70 JUNIUS. 

perty we are contending for, than thai which 
confounds the idea of a supreme and an arbi' 
trary legislature, i need not point out to you 
the fatal purposes to which it has been, and 
may be applied. If w^e are sincere in the po- 
litical creed we profess, there are many things 
which we ought to ffirm, cannot be done by 
Kings, Lords, and Commons. Among these, I 
reckon the disfranchising of boroughs, with a 
general view of improvement. I consider it 
as equivalent to robbing the parties concern- 
ed of their freehold, of their birthright. I say, 
tkat although this birthright may be forfeited, 
or the exercise of it suspended in particular 
cases, it cannot be taken away by a general 
law, for any real or pretended purpose of im- 
proving the constitution. Supposing the at- 
tempt made, I am persuaded you cannot 
mean that either King, or Lords, should take 
an active part in it A bill which only touch- 
es the representation of the people, must ori- 
ginate in the House of Commons. In the for- 
mation and mode of passing it, the the exclu- 
sive right of the Commons must be asserted 
as scrupulously as in the case of a money bill. 
Now, Sir, I should be glad to know by what 
kind of reasoning it can be proved, that there 
is a power vested in the representative to de- 
stroy his immediate constituent. From 
whence could he possibly derive it ? A cour- • 
tier, I know, will be ready to maintain fho af- • 
firmative. The doctrine suits him exaclly, be-- 
cause it gives an unlimited operation to the ' 
influence of the Crown. But we, Mr. Wilkes, 
ought to hold a different language. It is no i 
answer to me to say, that the bill, when itt 
passed the House of Commons, is the act of! 
the majority, and not the representatives ofl 
the particular boroughs concerned. If the ma-- 
jority can disfranchise ten boroughs, why nc>tt 



\ 



J U.N I us. 371 

twenty, why not the ^vhole kingdom ? Why 
sljoukl not they make their own seats in parlia- 
ment for life? When the septennial act passed, 
the legislature did what, apparently and j)alpa- 
bly, they had no power to do; Imt they did more 
than people in general were aware of ; they, 
in effect, disfranchised tiie whole kingdom for 
four years. 

^' For argument's sake, I will now suppose 
that tiie expediency of the measure, and the 
power of parliament, are unquestionable. 
Still you will (ind an insurmountable difficulty 
in the execution. When all your instruments 
of amputation are prepared, when the unhap- 
l)y patient lies bound at your feet, without the 
possibility of resistance, by what infallible rule 
will you direct the operation ? When you pro- 
pose to cut away the roitcn parts, can you tell 
us what parts are perfectly sound? Are there 
any certain limits in factor theory, to inform 
you at what point you must stop, at what 
point the mortiilcalion ends? To a man so 
capable of observation and reflection as vou 
are, it is unnecessary to say all that might be 
!S!iid upon the subject. Besides that I approve 
higiiiy of Lord Chatham's idea of infusmg a 
porlion of new health into the. constitution, tn 
enable it to hear its itifirmities (a brilliant e,\- 
j)ression, and fidl of intrinsic wisdom) other 
reasons occur in persjiading me to adopt it, 
Ihave no objeclion," kc. 

The man who fairly and completely an- 
swers this argument, shall have my thanks 
and my applause. My heart is already with 
him. i am ready to be converted. I admire 
his morality, and would gladly subscribe to 
the articles of hh faith. Grateful as I am, to 
ttie good Being whose bounty has imparted ta 
me this reasoning intellect, whatever it is, J«. 
i^old myself proportionably indebted to^ bin; 



373 JUNIUS. ] 

from whose enlightened understanding aiifi 
ther ray of knowledge communicates to min< 
But neither should I think the most exalted f{ 
culties of the human mind a gift worthy of th 
Divinity, nor any assistance in the improvt 
ment of them a subject of gratitude to m 
fellow creature, if 1 were not satisfied, tha 
really, to inform the understanding, correc 
and enlarges the heart. 

JUNIUS. 



THE EJVD. 



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